Oromo Affairs

Kemal Gelchu & Co.: “OLF” Trojan horse? Part IV

2012-01-19T06:39:00.011-05:00

By Observer

Continued from Part III (Read Here)

Kemal Gelchu & Co.'s Next Steps?

If you think Kemal Gelchu & Co.’s mission is limited to spying on, taking over and sabotaging the Oromo struggle led by the OLF and killing the organization, please think again. Their mission is much bigger than that. It is all part of the widely known and much talked about TPLF diaspora policy. Targeted for destruction by that policy is not only the Oromo struggle. Abyssinian (Habasha, Amhara & others) diaspora opposition groups, including Ginbot 7 (G7), are among those marked for infiltration and sabotage by various TPLF spies. Kemal Gelchu & Co. is but one such group deployed by TPLF.

The overall goal is to have diaspora opposition groups and liberation fronts silenced and surrender to TPLF where possible or saw discord among them to disrupt and frustrate their activities.

To that end, the Oromo struggle was chosen both as an end and a means - as an end, in that the effort targets the Oromo struggle for destruction; as a means, in that the effort includes using the Oromo struggle as a gateway to Abyssinian opposition groups marked for infiltration. The plan, which Kemal Gelchu & Co. is entrusted with executing, is killing two birds with one stone. The two birds are the OLF & diaspora Abyssinian opposition groups; the proverbial single stone to be used to kill both of them would be the OLF political program.

How?

If there is one thing Abyssinians (Habashas) hate even more than they hate the TPLF, it is the OLF political program which calls for Oromo self-determination with the option of forming an independent state of Oromioa. This is a fact beyond dispute. For the Habasha, to defeat TPLF only to lose Oromia, the most fertile and richest part of the empire, would be to win the battle but lose the war. This is something no Habasha is willing to contemplate much less accept or compromise on. One way in which the Habshaa believe they would be able to achieve both of their objectives (defeating TPLF and keeping Oromia under the yoke of colonialism) would be to have the Oromo drop their demand for self-determination, and statehood, and join them in the struggle to depose TPLF from the Imperial throne.

TPLF is keenly aware of this state of affairs just as we all are. Of course, it is working hard to infiltrate Abyssinian diaspora opposition groups directly as well. But, that is a pretty obvious strategy which the Abyssinians are aware of and are vigilantly guarding against. An even better strategy, however, would be to blindside them. The Abyssinian blindside, in this case, would be their obsession with having the Oromo drop their demand for self-determination. Any Oromo group willing to offer them “unity and sovereignty of Ethiopia” would be invited to alliances and even mergers. Within the country, MEDREK – which now includes Oromo People’s Congress (OPC) and Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDN) - is a case in point. Abyssinian diaspora organizations have not been as lucky. Having searched for such a group in the diaspora for many years to no avail, they think they have found one now. They are now beating the drum for Kemal Gelchu & Co – the Trojan horse approaching them with the promise of “unity and sovereignty of Ethiopia”. Little do they know that they are dancing to TPLF tune.

Making predictions is always hazardous. It would have been nice to have a crystal ball in which to look and see the future. Having no such tool at my disposal, what follows is not a set-in-stone declaration of what will happen-- but rather what very well could happen based on Kemal Gelchu & Co.’s journey thus far as well as current trends. With that disclaimer, I will be looking out for the following scenarios to materialize in the near future.

Having promised everything Ginbot 7 &. Co. would like to hear, including acceptance of a federal Ethiopia, Kemal Gelchu & Co. would propose some sort of alliance or a merger. It would be difficult for Ginbot 7 to turn down such a proposal for a couple of reasons. First, Kemal Gelchu & Co. has declared that the Oromo have no demand or question different and separate from that of other Abyssinians. That is exactly what Ginbot 7 has been preaching to whoever cared to listen. They have also accepted a struggle for “a functional and vibrant federal political structure” which Ginbot 7’s political program calls for. What reason would there be for Ginbot 7 to refuse a merger? Secondly, as an aspiring “multi-ethnic” organization, Ginbot 7 would love to have as many Oromos as possible associated with it to get a foot hold in Oromia which it is currently lacking. Why would Ginbot 7 not take this opportunity to extend its activities into Oromia region?

Before such a merger can take place, however, Kemal Gelchu & Co. would insist on the future merged organization renouncing raising arms to achieve a political end and declaring “non-violence” as its method of struggle. This is necessary because Ginbot 7 has not done so explicitly. In fact, it refused to disavow raising arms in its political program by “emphasiz[ing] that “peaceful struggle” works in a society where the government respects the rights of its citizens to dissent.” No one can tell if Kemal Gelchu & Co. will succeed in this endeavor but given that Ginbot 7 is currently not engaged in one any way, it would not be farfetched to opine Ginbot 7 may be open to the idea.

If they succeed, such a merger would give them opportunity to do more harm to the opposition group by spying for TPLF and sabotaging the merged organization’s work from within. Claiming representation for the Oromo people, they would occupy high leadership positions from where they can influence decisions detrimental to the organization and beneficial to TPLF. From such positions, they would gather information on the organization’s plans and activities to be transmitted to TPLF.

At the same time, they would argue that “peaceful” struggle cannot be waged from afar and would work hard on convincing the merged organization to return home to lead the struggle from inside the country. The only way to do so would be to negotiate their return with TPLF who would provide them with a face saving concession which Kemal Gelchu & Co. – now part of the merged organization leadership - would accept after some feigned negotiations effort.

If other members of the leadership of the merged organization formerly from G7 agree with the concession and decide to head home, then, this would be Kemal Gelchu & Co.’s ticket back home to a hero’s welcome from TPLF. Otherwise, this would lead to a split of the merged organization along Oromo/Abyssinia line enabling Kemal Gelchu & Co. to continue to cause confusion and turmoil in diaspora opposition organizations until such time that they are exposed and “defect” back to TPLF.

Ginbot 7 would be well advised to beware of TPLF agents bearing the promise of “unity and sovereignty of Ethiopia”!

Conclusions

Having failed to succeed in recruiting from within the OLF and having failed to convince any faction of the OLF to join its government, TPLF had to come up with a crafty plot similar to what the Greeks did to defeat Trojans. It recruited Kemal Gelchu & Co. to infiltrate the OLF, take it over and wreak havoc among diaspora opposition groups.

As anyone with the slightest understanding of politics can see, it does not make sense for generals who purportedly left the employ of TPLF to challenge it by force to disband their army, renounce armed struggle before they fire their first bullet and adopt “peaceful struggle.” Nor does it make sense for their much loved and respected political organization to alter its political program which gained them public love and support and adopt one that is shown to have been rejected by the nation they claim to work for. On top of that, those who execute these changes are new comers to the organization – to the OLF. Where were they before joining this organization whose program and strategy they are changing? They were working for the enemy – the TPLF. Only an enemy agent would do what Kemal Gelchu & Co. did with the “OLF” faction they claim to lead. Only a Trojan horse would do such a thing!

The Eritrean government is aware of Kemal Gelchu & Co.’s mission from TPLF. However, as is common practice in the intelligence world, it is using the enemy agents for its own ends (more on this at a later date) while monitoring and controlling their activities. Kemal Gelchu & Co.’s request for travel permits outside Eritrea has been consistently turned down by the Eritrean government regardless of the purported purpose for travel request. Even within Eritrea, their movement is very much restricted. Since their arrival, they have been under special surveillance 24 hours a day and are followed everywhere by Eritrean HUMINT agents. Their communication with everyone and anyone, inside and outside Eritrea, is being monitored and reported every day. That is how the Eritreans found out the plot (in or around 2007) by Kemal Gelchu and diaspora supporters to force out Dawud Ibsaa and alerted the later who was able to thwart the plot easily. Even every interview Kemal Gelchu & Co. give is scrutinized by Eritrean intelligence officers for code words or code phrases meant to convey messages to TPLF.

Eritreans are very vigilant against infiltration. Are we, Oromos?

Will Kemal Gelchu & Co., "OLF" Trojan Horse, accomplish its mission and go back to TPLF to a hero’s welcome? That is their plan but only time will tell!

Have your say.

Kemal Gelchu & Co.: “OLF” Trojan horse? Part III

2012-01-11T17:32:00.012-05:00

By Observer

Continued from Part II (Read Here)

On Changing the OLF Political program

No serious observer of the Oromo people and their struggle for liberation over the last twenty years would doubt their abiding love and support for the OLF. That much, I argue, is beyond dispute. One cannot find a stronger evidence of the truth of this statement than pointing to the fact that the Oromo people stuck with it over the last twenty years even when it is at its weakest. Even Melles Zenawi, the arch enemy of the OLF, is said to have quipped “if you scratch every Oromo, you will expose the OLF in them” or something to that effect. This quip is one of the most telling testaments of Oromo love for the OLF.

So, why is it that the Oromo people love this organization so much and refuse to abandon it even when it seems weak and ineffective? Why is it that no Oromo organization created since has been able to garner as much support as the OLF from the Oromo people? What has it done for them in the past and what has it promised them for the future?

Most importantly, to tie it to the Kemal Gelchu & Co. story, how can one kill the OLF which seems to have nine lives and would not die regardless of uncountable attempts on its life or the number of obituaries written about its death?

Follow me, please!

The Oromo people’s deepest love is not for the leaders or members of the day; Although they love and hold them in high regard too. They know that leaders and members come and go. Their love is for something constant, something persisting in the OLF regardless of who leads the organization or holds membership in it. That, my friends, is the ideals the organization represents; the fears, hopes and aspirations it is connected to. The ideals, the fears and hopes, and the aspirations it represents and stands for are the same as those that the Oromo people hold very dear. In fact, the OLF was formed for exactly that purpose – to represent and reflect Oromo hopes and aspirations. This is manifested in its political program. It is specified as dismantling the Ethiopian empire, freeing the Oromo people from colonial subjugation and enabling them to determine their fate with no external interference or undue pressure. Without dismantling the empire the Oromo will never see freedom and without freedom they won’t be able to determine their fate freely. When that opportunity comes around, while it advocates for independent state of Oromia, the OLF has promised them that it will respect and abide by their choice. That is what gained it so much love and support from them.

Not only has the OLF reflected Oromo hopes and aspirations for liberation, it has also achieved for them, in a few decades, part of what they had lost for over a century. Paramount among them, it has helped lift Oromo identity, history and culture from the dust bin to which it was relegated by the Habasha colonizers and located it in its rightful place among the respected ones on the planet. I say helped because it is the Oromo people that did much of the lifting work through their organized and unorganized resistance. The OLF, however, gave that resistance and renaissance shape and direction. It organized and led it. The implication of that achievement alone on the Oromo psyche is incalculable. A book can be written about the impacts of this achievement. However, for the purpose of this piece, suffice to say that we would not have Qubee, or recognized as a nation without this achievement.

OLF’s work is not completed by any stretch of the imagination. But, knowing what it has accomplished for them to date, the Oromo maintain confidence that it will deliver on its promises in the future as well. That is because they are mindful of the fact that past behavior is the best indicator of future behavior. The OLF has gone, and will go, through ups and downs, rainy and sunny days, disappointments and successes but at the end of the day, they believe, it will come through for them and will deliver on its promises as it has done before. Yes, it will stumble from time to time, it will even fall down now and then, but they are confident that it will pick itself up, dust itself off, and walk, even run and fly, again. Whether it is strong or weak at any particular time is not as important as what it stands for. Its point in time strength or weakness may be most important for opportunists among them but not for the vast majority of the Oromo people.

Simply put, what the Oromo love is not OLF the organization per se. Their love affair is with OLF’s political program which is the embodiment of their hopes and aspirations. Without its political program, the OLF may exist as an organization, in name only, but without doubt will forgo the love and support of the Oromo people it has enjoyed since its inception.

In order to kill the OLF, it is not enough to murder, to “disappear” or to torture its leaders or members. Nor is it enough to delegalize it or label it as a terrorist organization. Twenty years of such practices have not borne fruit for TPLF. The secret to killing the OLF is to deprive it of the love and support it enjoys from its people. That is the only sure way of burying the OLF six feet under. What better way is there to accomplish that than by decoupling and disassociating it from its political program? None at all!

The sure way to kill the OLF, once and for all, would be to cajole, coerce or force it to abandon its missions and objectives as they are enshrined in its political program.

Enemies of the OLF know this very well. After years of attempts at cajoling and coercing it to change its mission, and having failed miserably at it, they have devised a crafty scheme they hoped the Oromo would be unable to uncover. It is to infiltrate the organization, take it over and force it to abandon its political program so as to deprive it of Oromo love and support. But they needed an Oromo tool, a “Trojan Horse” to accomplish this mission for them.

Say hi to Kemal Gelchu & Co., the lethal tool charged with this mission by the TPLF.

That is exactly what Kemal Gelchu & Co. announced on January 1, 2012. (Read Here) Under the guise of “a new vision with clear goals” they have changed the goal of the Oromo struggle led by their faction of the OLF from freeing the Oromo people from colonial subjugation and determining their fate freely to achievement of “New Federal Republic of Ethiopia.”

What is more, they accomplished their mission by trampling upon the due process procedure enshrined in the OLF constitution which calls for the organizations general assembly to make such a major change. Usurping the general assembly’s power and circumventing that due process was necessary to achieve their mission. Without such illegal act, they were certain that their mission cannot be accomplished for they would be opposed by the vast majority of nationalist Oromos who had joined their faction duped by their sugar coated mantra of “change”.

If the Oromo people’s aspiration were life in a “Federal” empire, they have had many organizations to choose from. First, there have been independent and “legal” Oromo organizations in the country that they could have supported and helped grow. These organizations have accepted a federal Ethiopia. The Oromo people, however, did not flock to join them and strengthen them. Secondly, the Oromo people have had the option of joining what Habasha’s call “multi-ethnic” organizations in the country. These are also “legal” and are working to remove TPLF from power. Twenty years after the OLF left the country, the Oromo people have refused to join these organizations.

Why? Why have they decided to stick to an “illegal” organization labeled a terrorist and face assured harsh treatment at the hands of TPLF?

The answer is simple. After twenty years of their refusal to join these other “legal” organizations in droves, it is fair to say that these organizations, although some of them seem independent and work for some Oromo interests, they do not represent the whole gamut of Oromo hopes and aspirations. The TPLF is very much mindful of this fact. According to TPLF even the few Oromos holding membership in “legal” opposition organizations, when scratched reveal the OLF in them.

So what is the purpose of changing the OLF political program to realizing “New Federal Republic of Ethiopia.” knowing fully that other Oromo organizations who are working for the same ideal have not gained their people’s love and support after twenty years of existence?

The purpose is to kill the OLF; deprive it of the love and support of the Oromo people it enjoys by changing its political program to one the Oromo don’t particularly care for. A “Trojan Horse” in the form of Kemal Gelchu & Co. was constructed and sent on this mission. Will they succeed? Only time and how the Oromo will react to these enemy spies’ actions will tell.

This is the third evidence of Kemal Gelchu & Co.’s clandestine work for TPLF from within the Oromo movement for freedom.

Continued in Part IV (Read Here).

Have your say!

Kemal Gelchu & Co.: “OLF” Trojan horse? Part II

2012-01-08T19:21:00.009-05:00

By Observer

Continued from Part I (Read Here)

On Challenging TPLF by Force

Today, five years after they joined the Asmara group of OLF and three years after claiming leadership of an OLF faction, Kemal Gelchu & Co, are generals without armies much less challenge TPLF by force. Not only have they no army to speak of but have surrendered to TPLF whatever army there was before their arrival and sided with them during their split with the Asmara Group of OLF.

Under Hailu Gonfa’s command, in Aug. 2009, they allowed the filming, and airing on a Kenyan TV station, of the Oromo liberation Army (OLA), “in southern Ethiopia near the border town of Moyale” there by pin pointing OLA location for TPLF. A few months later, in Jan 2010, the vast majority of the army surrendered to TPLF under mysterious circumstances. Even before that, it was widely rumored that the OLA under their command was full of TPLF spies.

Furthermore, before they even fire their first shot and having surrendered their army to TPLF, Kemal Gelchu & Co. abandoned armed struggle and declared “non-violence” (Read Here) as their method of struggle there by revealing their lack of intention to challenge TPLF by force. It is unheard of for army generals to renounce armed struggle and declare “non-violence” to challenge an adversary they have asserted does not understand dialogue. The purpose, from the beginning, I submit to you the reader, was to disband OLA (Oromo Liberation Army) to deny the OLF a fighting chance against TPLF. Had Kemal Gelchu & Co. succeeded in taking total control of the OLF (including the two other factions), there is no doubt that this group would have made the OLF a toothless liberation front without a liberation army for that is one of the objectives they were sent to accomplish.

But that is exactly what TPLF wanted all along and has been demanding from the OLF to no avail until Kemal Gelchu & Co. showed up on the scene. Kemal Gelchu & Co. partly achieved by infiltration what TPLF failed to accomplish by force and through negotiations. What force and negotiations failed to yield, infiltration delivered.

But why did Kemal Gelchu & Co. choose non-violence, a method they declared ineffective when they left TPLF? What has changed since to make “non-violence” appealing to them at this point? Nothing has changed for the better form what we know! Has TPLF become more democratic and tolerant of “non-violent” methods of struggle? No! In fact, TPLF became more tyrannical wining 99.6% in its last “elections”. It continues to “disappear”, torture, imprison and kill our people. It continues to fire live ammunitions against peaceful demonstrators. One can find no rational reason for such decision under such conditions. In order to make sense of their adoption of “non-violence”, one would have to assume they were sent on a mission by TPLF to pacify the OLF. But this is not a wild assumption. It is one supported by evidence of their actions and one widely held belief in Oromia.

If peaceful struggle is what they had in mind, why did they leave the country in the first place? Wouldn’t it make sense to join Oromo organizations who have adopted that method - the likes of Dr. Merera Gudina’s OPC (Oromo People’s Congress) and Obbo Bulcha Demeksa’s WAFIDO? How do they plan to conduct peaceful struggle from afar - from Asmara? In the successful peaceful struggles with which we are familiar, the leaders remained among their peoples and led the struggle. Dr. Martin Luther King walked at the head of freedom marches in his country and with his people. Gandhi was among his people when he took on the English empire and tasted the brutality of the colonizers with his brethren. What are we to make of their advocacy for “non-violent” struggle from outside the country?

Could “non-violence” be their ticket back to TPLF once they accomplish the mission they were sent to execute? I will address this a few paragraphs later in “What would the Logical next steps be for Kemal Gelchu & Co.?”

The answer to the question about whether they have challenged TPLF by force as they promised they would do when they “defected”, should be obvious by now – NOT AT ALL! In fact, they surrendered to TPLF part of the OLA that sided with them. Before they fired a single shot, they disavowed armed struggle and adopted “non-violence”. They have no intention or plan to challenge TPLF in any way much less by force because they were sent to do TPLF work. Kemal Gelchu & Co. bears the sole responsibility for dismantling the OLA under their command.

This is the second evidence of their clandestine work for TPLF from within the Oromo movement for freedom.

Continued on Part III (Read Here).

Have your say!

Kemal Gelchu & Co.: “OLF” Trojan horse? Part I

2012-01-07T22:32:00.022-05:00

By Observer

On August 10, 2006, Oromo nationalist all over the world woke up to the news of Gen. Kemal Gelchu’s (a TPLF army general) defection to Eritrea and joining the Asmara Group of OLF (AKA the Dawud Ibsaa Group). Kemal Gelchu had been a very loyal soldier of the Ethiopian empire for many years both under the DERG and TPLF regimes. At the time of his defection to Eritrea, he was the commander of the TPLF 18th army division.

According to media reports, Kemal Gelchu simply walked across the border to Eritrea under cover of darkness from where he was stationed on Ethio-Eritrea border. What is more, he brought along 150 fully armed soldiers and, by some accounts, “tens of commanders” including Col. Abebe Geresu.

TPLF explained away the general’s defection as a disgruntled soldier who was denied promotion and chose to engage in “divisive activities”. Ethiopian TV reported: “Although his [Kemal Gelchu’s] colleagues repeatedly tried to correct the commander from his anti-government and inappropriate activities, the commander was not willing to change".

Regardless of his alleged “divisive activities” and notwithstanding TPLF’s knowledge of it, Kemal was allowed to command TPLF’s 18th army division stationed at the border with Eritrea – Ethiopia’s arch enemy. By any standard, the border between the two states was highly guarded and monitored at the time he crossed over. Regardless, the general was able to walk across the border with 150 other soldiers in tow and with a minor shooting incident.

How he accomplished such a feat was never explained, much less in sufficient detail. Hard to believe? Read on!

Gen. Hailu Gonfa and Col. Gemechu Ayana, two other long time soldiers of the empire, followed suite a few weeks later. How they arrived in Asmara was never explained to my knowledge.

Their defection generated euphoria in some corners owing to the belief that these generals would re-organize and re-build a guerrilla force that would match, surpass and defeat the TPLF army.

The two generals fanned the euphoria by informing the public that peaceful struggle against TPLF is futile and that they had exhausted the possibility of bringing TPLF to its senses through dialogues. In an interview he gave to BBC soon after arriving in Asmara, Kemal Galchuu said “The language they (the Ethiopian government) understand is force and we're going to challenge them by force." (Read Here). Hailu Gonfa, on his part, told Eritrean Television, that their demands for democracy “fell on deaf ears, [as a result] they were compelled to raise arms against the [TPLF] regime and thus join the popular struggle.”

Five years after they joined the Asmara Group of OLF and given that they now lead an OLF faction and their announcement on new year 2012 of having changed the OLF political program (Read Here) , it is about time, and fair, to assess their performance.

Have they challenged TPLF by force as they promised they would do when they defected? Has the Oromo struggle fared better as a result of their defection? Has the Oromo struggle become stronger or weaker – militarily, politically, socially, etc - as a result of them joining it?. Most importantly, did they defect to the Asmara Group of OLF to help the struggle or to do TPLF work? How about the faction that Kemal Gelchu is leading – is it advancing the Oromo struggle or is it a TPLF tool – a Trojan horse for TPLF spies and saboteurs? Where they sent to infiltrate the Asmara Group of OLF, take control of the organization and ensure that faction accepts TPLF conditions of surrender: Accepting the TPLF constitution and renouncing armed struggle?

In the following paragraphs, I will search for answers to these questions in their actions over the last five years.

But, first, what is a “Trojan Horse?”

The term “Trojan Horse” comes from the legendary ancient war story between Greeks and Trojans (People of Troy). In this epic story, having given up on confronting the Trojans in face-to-face combats, the Greeks came up with a crafty plot. They built a wooden horse, hid Greek soldiers in its belly and left it at the gate of the heavily fortified and defended Trojan city. Believing that this was a parting gift to the gods from the Greeks, Trojans opened their gate, wheeled the wooden horse in and went about celebrating their “victory”. Unbeknownst to them, the Greeks had hidden their soldiers in the wooden horse, whom in the middle of the night came out of the horse’s belly and opened the gate to the Trojan city. Once the gate was thrown open, more Greek soldiers streamed in to the city and decimated the Trojans thereby winning the war. That wooden horse became known as “Trojan Horse” and the term itself has since been used to describe enemy operatives in one’s midst conducting espionage and sabotage to undermine the opponent from within.

So, is Kemal Gelchu & Co. a Trojan horse? Let the facts speak for themselves.

On Strengthening the Oromo Struggle

In a couple of years after their arrival, the Kemal Gelchu group split the Asmara Group of OLF. The reason given for the split depends on which side of the divide would be doing the explaining. However, there is one glaring fact that is undeniable about how they split the organization and the consequences accompanying the split on Oromo struggle.

The first, and the most damaging one to the Oromo struggle and Oromummaa (Oromo identity), is the fact that when they parted company with the Dawud Ibsaa Group, their constituency consisted entirely of Oromo nationals of Arsi birth. Not a single known Oromo personality from other regions of Oromia appeared in their list. They exploited the latent regionalist tendencies espoused by some in the organization. They purposefully promoted regional differences and suspicions to gain support. They presented the split as one caused by the organization’s refusal to allow an able leader from Arsi to take his rightful place at the head of the organization. “The time is ours”, they told their fellow Oromos from Arsi. “Arsi Oromos are discrimintaed against in the organization” they preached to them. They succeeded in taking their divisive activity to the Oromo public and worked hard to destroy Oromimmaa (Oromo identity) which had been built with the blood and flesh of heroes and heroines of the struggle. They sprayed this venom in every Oromo institution in diaspora including community associations, political and religious organizations. By doing so, they saw the seeds of mistrust even among former comrades and personal friends from Arsi and other parts of Oromia. The purpose was to destroy Oromummaa and Oromo unity without which they know the struggle cannot progress.

Without the slightest exaggeration, no action of anyone, including that of the enemy, has rolled back what was gained by the Oromo struggle to the extent they did by this action. This is a major setback Oromummaa suffered from which it is yet to recuperate. Insha Allah, it will!

“Divide and conquer” strategy against the Oromo has been a tried and true way utilized by successive Ethiopian regimes to keep Oromos from uniting. It is also a strategy employed extensively by TPLF against other nations and religious groups in the empire. Their fear is that a united group of people will be able to pool their resources together to build enough capacity to one day defeat them. Consequently, they leave no stone unturned to frustrate their effort to unite through their agents particularly within the group they fear. One of the missions Kemal Gelchu & Co. is charged with by TPLF was to execute this policy within the Oromo and other diaspora oppositions.

Today, the Oromo diaspora is socially more divided than when they arrived. Politically, it is more fragmented and disunited than when they defected. Militarily, the Oromo struggle is in a worse position than it was when they joined it to purportedly re-energize OLA and challenge TPLF by force. While they are not responsible for everything that transpired since their arrival, Kemal Gelchu & Co. have contributed purposefully and immensely to weakening the Oromo struggle over the last five years.

This is the first evidence of their clendestine work for TPLF from within the Oromo movement for freedom.

Continued in Part II - (Read Here).

Have your say!

Another Court Battle in the Making over OLF Name, Logo & Flag?

2011-12-29T11:19:00.010-05:00

Another winds of war between two OLF factions is blowing in the form of litigation in USA courts over the use of OLF name, logo and flag and is threatening to, once again, waste Oromo time, money and energy. Shanee’s (AKA The Dawud Ibsaa Group or the Asmara Group) sabre-rattling against TA-OLF (AKA the Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo Group or the QC Group) should be worrisome to all patriotic Oromos, to say the least, and could, indeed, end in a court room showdown.

It is to be recalled that, in July 2007, the Shanee Group of OLF took the TA-OLF group to a Minnesota court over the use of the OLF name, logo and flag. The lawsuit alleged that TA-OLF violated “Uniform Deceptive Trade Practices Act” and that it interfered with the Shanee Group’s “prospective economic advantage” by using the OLF name, logo and flag - (Read Here).

In August 2007, after two court appearances, the court dismissed the Shanee lawsuit without prejudice. In other words, while the Shanee case was dismissed for the time being, they were allowed to re-file if they so wished.

Undeterred by the dismissal and bent on winning the case, the Shanee Group re-filled and launched a second lawsuit over the same issue in September of the same year. After 14 months in the court system and after $50,000.00 (by a conservative estimate) of Oromo hard earned money was squandered on both sides to prosecute and defend this ridiculous charge, the court decided in favor of the defendant and awarded TA-OLF cost and disbursements which the Shanee Group was forced to pay up.

In dismissing the case in November 2008, the judge observed:

“The OLF began in Ethiopia in 1973 with the objective of establishing an independent [state of] Oromia for the Oromo people. Some individual Defendants have been members of the OLF since its inception in 1973. Beginning in 1999 and through approximately 2001, the OLF members began disputing the methods of accomplishing their mission. In 2001, the [Plaintiff or the Asmara Group] OLF began supporting the policy of recognizing the Ethiopian government. There were members who did not agree with this policy. The Plaintiffs continued operating under the name OLF in Minnesota (“Plaintiff OLF”). The Defendants rejected the authority of the [Plaintiff or the Asmara Group] OLF, but also continued operating under the name OLF in Minnesota (“Defendant OLF”)” - (Read Here).

In regards to the flag under dispute, the Shanee complaint asked TA-OLF to cease using the flag. However, Shanee members summoned for deposition (question and answer sessions between a possible witness and attorney of opposing side) all asserted that the flag is a national symbol and not just OLF’s which prompted the judge to observe:

“The OLF uses a flag. It is disputed whether the symbol on the flag was created for, and solely represents, the OLF or whether it is a symbol used by the Oromo people regardless of their affiliation with the OLF.”

With that, the judge dismissed the case for the second time and ordered Shanee to pay cost and disbursements to TA-OLF.

If you thought this would be the end of this madness, think again.

The Shanee Group took over three years to prepare for another possible court battle. Having learned from their previous two failures that the courts are not likely to consider this dispute a commercial one, the Shanee Group went about preparing the ground work for the next battle.

On Nov. 17, 2008, a mere nine days after losing the case for the second time, the Shanee group applied to the US Patents & Trademarks Office (USPTO) to register the OLF name and logo in the Advertising, Business & Retail Services category - (Read Here).

Having succeeded in registering the OLF logo with the USPTO as Advertising, Business & Retail Services logo in June 2009, Shanee has now put TA-OLF on notice. In a letter written on Dec. 15, 2011 - (Read Here) - Shanee has accused TA-OLF of infringing on Shanee’s copy right and trade mark privileges. The letter asked TA-OLF to desist from further using the OLF “logo, flag and other materials.” Soon after, Shanee also issued a statement today on its web site (Read Here), warning the use of OLF name and logo by any other group but itself would be illegal and immoral thereby threatening lawsuit(s) against TA-OLF and perhaps also the Kemal Gelchu group of OLF.

If history is any guide, and from what we already know about the TA-OLF group, it seems unlikely that they will even dignify this letter with a response much less desisting from using what they consider rightfully belongs to the oromo people and their fallen comrades who paid the ultimate sacrifice with their lives to free their people and realize an independent state of Oromia. Given TA-OLF’s attitude towards the OLF name, flag and logo, it seems inevitable that another (third) round of litigation will be launched by Shanee with the inevitable consequence of squandering tens of thousands Oromo hard earned money on American lawyers once again.

Why?

Why would Shanee spend Oromo hard earned money that can be put to a better use, say to take Meles Zenawi to World Court rather than targeting another Oromo group? Or even use the money to maintain their Washington DC office for which they were unable to afford rental fee and therefore downgraded to a smaller office recently? Why not use the money to help our refugee brothers and sisters suffering around the world or our brethren dying of famine in Oromia? While NGOs and benevolent governments feed our starving people, why would an Oromo group (Shanee) purportedly struggling for Oromo freedom waste thousands of dollars on a dispute which will not advance an inch, but retard, the Oromo struggle?

It is no secret that the Oromo camp is fragmented, disunited and disorganized as it is. Nationalist Oromos everywhere are demanding unity based on clarity of purpose for the struggle. Having given up on their leaders, they are beginning to organize grass root Oromo unity movements. For Shanee to threaten a lawsuit at this particular time, after having lost twice before on the same issue – would be to pour gasoline on fire and frustrate the call for unity.

A Call to Action

This blogger continues to appeal to the Shanee Group in general and Obbo Dawud Ibsaa in particular, as he had done during the first and second Shanee Lawsuits, to stop this madness.

Obbo Dawud: What you are engaged in is an inter-Oromo political fight for the hearts and minds of the Oromo people. The Oromo people and them alone can and should render the final verdict as to which group deserves to call itself the OLF or not. Given time, one of you factions will die a natural death from lack of support from the Oromo people or thrive because of it. No amount of positive verdict from a foreign court will earn you Oromo love and support or acceptance from them. In fact, what you are doing is sending the wrong message to the Oromo. And that message seems to be that you lack confidence in the Oromo people’s ability to render this verdict which prompts you to appeal to foreign courts for help. I urge you to reflect on your group’s actions, the adverse reactions it can generate and their overall impact on the Oromo struggle.

This blogger calls on all Oromo compatriots, particularly Shanee members and Oromo elders everywhere, to do everything they can to stop Shanee from wasting money they collect in the name of Oromo struggle on something that will not advance the Oromo struggle one inch.

This blogger explicitly calls on Oromo elders to not turn a blind eye to this madness this time around, as they did in the two previous litigations where they chose to silently watch from the sideline while the Oromo movement was made a laughing stock of the world as a result of Shanee intiated litigations.

Related articles:

OLF Legal Woes
The Asmara Group Lawsuit Dismissed Without Prejudice
Nuro Dedefo Defebds the Asmara group's lawsuit
The Asmara Group of OLF Takes TA-OLF Back to Minnesota Court

Have your say!

The inherent danger of Abyssinian extremism and bigotry

2011-12-12T19:45:00.016-05:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

Combination of racism and ideology is a very dangerous cocktail. In the case of the Abyssinians, the combination of their hatred for any human being other than ‘Habesha’ and their fervent cult like belief in the Coptic Orthodox church is unfortunately at the root of all evils in that dying empire.

Listen to the following poem in the Amhara language:

The above Abyssinian war cry in the form of extreme hatred and religious fundamentalism directed against nations that have done nothing to them other than asserting their national identity and claiming their rights to self-determination seems to be not an isolated incident. What is the civilized world to make of this hateful racist agitation against the Oromo and the Somali nations? But, can the world ignore it as an abrasion or should the world look deeper and wider to look for evidence indicating a deeper rooted malaise? Is it an isolated work of someone with twisted mind or a reflection of a culture?

It is nothing more than a rhetoric one may argue. Nonetheless, it is important for every living Oromo and Somali to understand that hatred for their cultures and identities seems to be deeply ingrained in the soul of every Habesha –Tigre and Amhara alike. It appears that anti-Oromo and anti- Somali sentiment is deeply woven into the Abyssinian psyche. Look no further than how they demonised the Oromo Qubee when the Oromo decided to utilize the Latin alphabet and rejected the Ge’ez script which the Abyssinians use to write their languages – Amhara and Tigre languages. The Ethiopian Orthodox church called on all Oromos who learned Qubee to confess their “mortal sin” of attending Qubee classes and seek redemption. Such is the Habasha extremism and bigotry.

The Amhara have been out of power for over two decades. They, however, still dream to return. Whilst we should not be sleepless about Amhara hegemony returning anytime soon, we must be concerned as to what their cousins are doing right now. The Tigre regime in Ethiopia is perpetrating what the above war cry is calling for in a systematic way. I would argue that the ethnic cleansing, in the name of farmland sale, economic and political persecution and extermination of the Oromo people is already happening. The only difference between what is on the ground and what the above propaganda material is agitating for seems only to be the gusto and the speed of the ‘final solution’ to the “Ethiopian problem” – the Oromo and the Somali nations, the two nations to which the above audio makes frequent references.

Who is Habesha? The etymology of the term Habesha is not certain. However, the widely accepted theory is that the term Habesha comes from the Arabic word al-Habash. The Amhara and Tigre peoples constitute Abyssinians. One thing is clear thus far. History indicates that the people known as Habesha immigrated to Africa from Arabia. Axum was in the hands of the indigenous African people at the time of the arrival of the Habesha.

Geography also tells as a lot. They are sandwiched between the Beja people in the north and the Oromo people in the south since their arrival from Arabia, sometime in the first millennia. These two peoples had a common language known as Ge’ez. They now speak Amharic and Tigre languages, derived from Ge’ez. They share similar cultural heritage. They are both warlike. Listen to the author(s) of the above audio and read their history. There is no mistaking their prejudice in the superiority of their ethnic group and their culture, and their contempt for all non-Habasha peoples in that empire and beyond. Why do we not hear this sort of intolerance from Ogaden, Afar, Gurage, Oromo, etc. nations? Simply, it is because, unlike the Habasha, they are tolerant of other ethnic groups and their cultures.

The Oromo are peace-loving people. They have no problems with other peoples such as Agaw, Afar and Somali to mention but a few. They have peacefully co-existed with them except for the Habasha. But, unfortunately, they find themselves in a hostile terrain. Their relationship with their northern neighbours has so far been acrimonious to put it mildly.

Written history indicates that there has been ongoing struggle between the Oromo and their northern neighbours – Abyssinians - since time immemorial. I would like to hypothesize that the animosity even dates back to the first millennia when the immigrant Abyssinians arrived in Africa. It is easy to understand that the new arrivals would have to negotiate or even fight with the indigenous Africans including the Oromo in order to eke out a living.

Throughout out the long history of mankind conflict on resources has shaped the relationship between neighbouring communities. Therefore, the conflict between Oromia and Abyssinia is no different. The difficulty emanates from the fact that the Oromo live in Oromia and only Oromia. The Abyssinians mainly live in their homeland Abyssinia but some segments of the Abyssinian society occupy Oromia to have access to the riches of Oromia. The Oromo have shown their card i.e. quest for sovereign Oromia. The Abyssinians have become aware of this fact. The power balance at the present is with the Abyssinians. This imbalance has placed the Oromo nation at a disadvantage, an imbalance in need of urgent attention.

I have to admit I was taken aback by the depth of the knowledge of the composer of the above Abyssinian call for the extermination of the Oromo. The author of the lyric seems to have done his/her homework. I wonder how many Oromos are well versed with the efforts of our forefathers, mentioned in the negative propaganda poem, including the Raya Oromo, Anole, Calanqo, the Western Oromo Confederacy declaration of independence, etc. The Oromo need to learn history. The old adage says “those who refuse to learn from history will be punished by repeating it”. Especially Oromos in Tinsa’e Ethiopia, Ethiopian Patriotic Front, AFD, and coalition with G7, OPDO etc. political organizations must re-appraise their stand. By the way, do not forget that the Eritreans are Habesha too.

So that you will have a balanced view I would like to offer you the opportunity to tune in to what the Oromo sing and what their aspiration is:

Simply put, the Oromo claim what is theirs. Unlike the Amhara in the aforementioned war cry, they never call for the elimination of nations. What motivates someone to call for the killing of the entire nation requires a leap of imagination to fathom. Perhaps it is the Oromo dream for peace and prosperity that threatens the evil spirit in others. But, do not be deceived by the lack of reason for such hatred. Hitler did not have a reason either.

Finally, one has to think if we could cleanse Abyssinians from their contempt for the Oromo nation. The short answer is may be never. It seems to be a matter of world-view for them. It is actually how they define themselves. So for anyone to be nice to them or force them to change it will mean changing the Abyssinian make up literally in terms of identity and world-view. I truly believe that the only solution to stop this nonsense and spare the coming generation from listening to this sort of venomous dehumanizing and potentially genocidal propaganda is by bringing forward the liberation of Oromia. What ever the Abyssinians think about us will then be limited to their territory- Abyssinia and their sphere of influence. Surely, that can only be a good thing!

Have your say!

“Independent State of Oromia, a Bargaining Chip” – Dima Noggo Sarbo

2011-10-02T19:42:00.008-04:00

In an interview he gave to ESAT (Amhara Satellite TV program) lasting about 90 minutes, Dima Nego gave a lengthy account of the Oromo struggle, the OLF, his involvement in the front and in the transitional government of 1991 in which he served as the minister of information and his opinion on the way forward.

Much of what he told the Habshaa TV station was narration of what has been in the public domain for a long time except for a few pieces he dropped in the course of the interview. Two such information that stood out for many of us were Dima’s claim to first chairmanship of the OLF and his assertions about the “true” intentions of the founders of the organization when they included the realization of independent state of Oromia in their political program.

Dima informed his listeners that the founders of the OLF never meant “itoophiyan la maganxal” (to secede Oromia from Ethiopia). According to Dima, the inclusion of achieving independent state of Oromia in the political program was only for the purpose of using it as bargaining chip in future negotiations with the colonial state. (Listen at end of article)

First Chairmanship

Dima was introduced as the first Chairman of the OLF. The introduction and the fact that Dima referred to himself as such was a surprise to many longtime members of the front for they had never heard that Dima held that position in the organization at any time. However, further investigation revealed that Dima was truly the first chairman elected around the end of 1976. But his chairmanship was to be very short lived before he abandoned the organization and his post.

In early 1977 Dima applied for a scholarship with United Nations Institute for Economic Development and Planning (IDEP) in Dakar, Senegal, and was accepted. Without informing his comrades, Dima abandons his position, boards the plane and leaves for Dakar, Senegal. Upon realizing what had happened, the executive committee members of the OLF got together, removed him from chairmanship and elected Jaal Magarsaa Barii to replace him. According to his contemporaries, Dima severed all contacts with the OLF until he completed his education and was about to return home in 1978. Unfortunately for Dima, “red terror” was in full swing and DERG (the military government at the time) was in the middle of herding off his former comrades to prisons on allegation of being OLF members. Afraid to go home to suffer a similar fate, Dima contacts his former comrades who had escaped the DERG onslaught and were in the middle of opening a second front in Western oromia - the first being in eastern Oromia. Upon being pardoned for abandoning the organization and his post, he was allowed to join them. Over the next 13 years, Dima rose to the position of a Politburo member in the organization.

No wonder this was one of the best kept secrets in the OLF until Dima himself revealed it to a Habashaa media very recently.

But why did Dima decide to claim first chairmanship of the front now in public - after sweeping it under the rug for the last 40 years? Could it be to lend some authority and believability to what he was speaking about? Why did he particularly stress his claim to his short lived chairmanship right when he was about to “reveal” the true intention of the founders of the OLF in relation to why independent Democratic Republic of Oromia was included in the political program? Is Dima credible?

While we are on the issue of credibility, here is what Dima told his sponsors about his activities in 1980s to obtain “Global Leaders Fellowship Program” scholarship: “In the 1980s, Dima was involved in relief work among refugees and internally displaced persons in Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia. When the military government in Ethiopia collapsed in 1991, he became a member of the new government as a member of the transitional legislature and a cabinet minister in 1991-1992." (Read Here)

As Dima himself admitted in this interview, the truth, however, is far from it. Contrary to what he told his sponsors, in the 1980s, Dima was NEVER “involved in relief work among refugees and internally displaced persons in Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia.” He was an active participant and, in fact, a politburo member of the OLF. It was as a high ranking officer of the OLF that he became Minister of Information for the Transitional government of Ethiopia (1991 – 1992) to which the OLF was a party. When the OLF withdrew from the transitional government, as he explained in this interview, Dima tendered a written resignation to the TPLF government as a true bureaucrat would do (no freedom fighter would do such a thing), left the country because TPLF “would not guarantee his safety” (no freedom fighter would expect guarantee of safety from his colonizers) and, once again, abandoned the OLF to return to school.

Independent state of Oromia, a bargaining chip?

According to Dima, the call for independence of Oromia was included in the OLF political program for two reasons none of which was “Itoophiyaan la maganxal” – [to truly secede [decolonize] Oromia from Ethiopia]. The first reason was for the purpose of using it as bargaining chip in future possible negotiations with the colonial government of Ethiopia while the second reason was for the sake of being different from EPRP and MEISON – two political organizations that had already accepted the question of nations to self-determination.

Dima’a answers to these questions were huge surprises to the rank and file members and all former leaders of the organization contacted by this writer. They all describe the sense of disbelief, astonishment and betrayal they felt upon listening to what Dima had to say on these issues.

In 1982, Dima gave a similar interview to “Horn of Africa” magazine in which he was asked to “summarize the program of the OLF and tell us how much of it has been put into practice.” His response at the time was “As I stated before, the main goal of the Oromo people’s struggle, led by the OLF, is to end foreign political domination and economic exploitation. In short, [it is] to end Amhara colonial administration of Oromia and to replace it with a democratic, progressive and popular Oromo government.” (Horn of Africa, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1982).

As one of Dima’s contemporaries said “What he [Dima] said on these two issues were absolute lies. As a co-founder of the front, I can tell you that no such points were raised nor considered much less agreed upon. Obbo Dima has the right to change his mind 40 years after he first agreed to Independent state of Oromia. However, to revise history to fit ones current political views in this case would be nothing less than the epitome of opportunism wrapped in dishonesty and lack of integrity.”

Another co-founder of the OLF begins an article he recently wrote in response to the same interview by saying "these days we are starting to twisted tales in foreign language about the OLF from irresponsible veterans, novices and the anonymous." Defending his fallen comrades, the article goes on to say, "When the outlook of martyrs is being destorted and they connot rise to defende themselves, it is believed that this note may serve as an affidavit to some extent." (Read Here)

But does Dima truly understand the implications of what he said?

Simply put, Dima is asserting that our fallen heroes, the likes of Elemo Qilxuu, Gen. Taddasaa Biruu, Magarsaa Barii, Muhe Abdo, Baaroo Tumsaa, Mullis Abbaa Gadaa and more lied to those selfless Oromo youth they put in harm’s way. Besides lying to all, these true sons of the Oromo people who paid the ultimate sacrifice with their lives never intended to bring about a liberated and decolonized Oromia into existence; never did they intend to dismantle the Ethiopian empire and the colonial administration. Dima would have us, and his Amhara audience, believe that the ones alive today, the likes of Jaarra Abba Gadaa, Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo, Galaasaa Dilboo, Ibsaa Guutamaa and more continue to lie to us even after 40 years. Our artisits, the likes of Ebbisa Addunyaa and Usumayyoo Muusaa paid the ultimate sacrifice with their lives for a cause they were cheated into joining. The hundreds of thousands of our brethren who heeded the call of the OLF and joined the front, those who have fallen in the battle fields of Oromia to enemy fire, those who were murdered by consecutive Abyssinian governments, those who endured detention and torture for tens of years were all deceived. There is no other way of understanding Dima’s responses.

This may make Dima’s Amhara audience happy but it could not be further from the truth. If that were the case, there is no way Dima would be the sole custodian of such a “secret”. The only case in which Dima would be the lone keeper of such a “secret” would be if this has been an idea only in Dima Noggo Sarbo’s mind. Even that is doubtful given the various interviews he gave in the last 40 years in which he had given the opposite of his responses to ESAT questions.

I say, Dima’s credibility left much to be desired.

What do you say?!

Dueling “elders” compete to reconcile the OLF and TPLF- WikiLeaks.

2011-09-29T22:47:00.011-04:00

Reconciliation of the Shanee Group of OLF and the TPLF regime in Ethiopia has become a business venture for some so called Oromo “elders.” According to another leaked document, in 2008, two groups of “elders” talking to two different Shanee groups were competing for Meles’s attention and for funding by the US embassy in Finfinnee.

The first group, referred to in the document as Elders 1, led by Prof. Ephraim Isaac and Pastor Daniel Gebreselassie handled “OLF elders” - the likes of Dima Nago, Lenco Lata and Ababiya Abajobir. According to the document, Ababiya Abajobir returned to Ethiopia one week after the three were contacted in Amsterdam which encouraged Ephraim Isaac to suggest “that Ababiya's unharassed return reflects only the first step in a looming wave of former OLF leaders' returns to Ethiopia.”

The second group, which the document refers to as Elders 2, consisted of AMb. Berhanu Dinka, Rev. Itaffa Gobana and Aberra Tola. Elders 2 dealt with the Daud Ibsa group which the document referred to as “Asmara-based”. Their purpose was to force the Shanee group to surrender or “risk losing the support of the in-country Oromo community.”

Both “elder” groups told the US embassy that TPLF “expects the OLF to unilaterally abandon its professed strategy of armed struggle without any prior indications of the GoE's willingness to reconcile beyond the word of the Prime Minister passed through intermediaries.” But all the same, “Prof. Ephraim and Amb. Dinka emphasized that they believe that the Prime Minister's receptivity to reconciliation with the OLF remains intact, and that he may be placating the OPDO, and hard-liners within the TPLF, with the current crack-down to cover his own strategy of returning the OLF to Ethiopian politics.” Blinded by self-interest, they never fail to find excuses for Meles’ actions against my people. Some “Oromo elders!”

Contrast that with the ambassador’s comments: “The GoE's harassment, arrests, and crack-down on Oromos and Oromo political parties, sends a clear message, in our assessment, that the GoE is not sincerely committed to meeting the OLF even part way in breaching the GoE-OLF divide.”

Beware of Mediator Bias and Mediation as a Tactic: A word to the Wise
Melles to [the Asmara Group of] OLF: Leave Asmara or No Talks
Abbabiya Abba Jobir Returns to Ethiopia; Leenco Lata & Dima Nego to follow soon?
Best Practices for an Aspiring Tyrant

Have your say!

********** BEGIN ***********
VZCZCXRO7768
OO RUEHROV
DE RUEHDS #3188/01 3290956
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 240956Z NOV 08
FM AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA
TO RUEHAE/AMEMBASSY ASMARA IMMEDIATE 3622
RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 2864
INFO RUCNIAD/IGAD COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RHMFISS/HQ USAFRICOM STUTTGART GE IMMEDIATE
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RUEPADJ/CJTF HOA IMMEDIATE
RUEKDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RHEHAAA/NSC WASHDC IMMEDIATE
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 ADDIS ABABA 003188

SENSITIVE
SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/05/2017
TAGS: PGOV PREL EAID ET
SUBJECT: RECONCILING THE OROMO LIBERATION FRONT AND
ETHIOPIAN GOVERNMENT

REF: A. ADDIS 3159
¶B. ADDIS 2487

Classified By: Ambassador Donald Yamamoto for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).

SUMMARY
-------

¶1. (SBU) Recognizing that the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) is widely supported -- at least in principle -- among Ethiopia's largest ethnic group, Embassy Addis Ababa has long held that reconciliation between the Ethiopian Government (GoE) and OLF is critical to the long-term political stability of Ethiopia. Holding a similar view, two separate groups of Ethiopian "elders" have worked in recent months to bring the OLF -- formerly a partner of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) until the lack of power sharing by the EPRDF led it to advocate armed struggle against the GoE in 1992 -- back into the fold of legal political parties within Ethiopia. While the GoE's persistent harassment of legal Oromo opposition parties in Ethiopia and its recent crackdown on Oromos (Ref. A) has certainly not sent the necessary gesture of goodwill to the OLF in exile, the moderation of some OLF elders in the diaspora combined with the Prime Minister's approval of both "elders" processes suggest that there may be an emergent opening for reconciliation and a positive role the USG could play.
End Summary.

THE DUELING ELDERS
------------------

¶2. (SBU) Coming off of the success of brokering the pardon of the opposition leaders arrested in November 2005, Professor Ephraim Isaac and Pastor Daniel Gebreselassie (Elders 1), approached the Embassy to support their efforts to broker various reconciliation efforts, including the GoE and the OLF. While the Elders 1 group was critical in the opposition pardon, they, and Prof. Ephraim in particular, were often seen as partisan through the process, exerting significant pressure on the opposition leaders to admit their guilt while not press the GoE to stand down or temper its position against them. Since then, Prof. Ephraim (himself an Oromo) and his colleagues have unilaterally reached out to various OLF elders including former Chairman Leencho Lata and grandson of the last king of Jimma, Ababiya Abajobir, and Dima Negewo, around reconciling with the GoE. The Elders 1 group met these three in Amsterdam September 19-21 along with the Ethiopian Ambassador to the Netherlands. One week later, Ababiya returned to Ethiopia after years in exile. Prof. Ephraim informed Ambassador and Pol/Econ Chief on November 4 that Prime Minister Meles continues to support his group's efforts to reach out to the OLF, and suggested that Ababiya's unharassed return reflects only the first step in a looming wave of former OLF leaders' returns to Ethiopia.

¶3. (SBU) While the Elders 1 process was afoot, a second team of Oromo elders (Elders 2) approached the Embassy with a new proposal. Ambassador Berhanu Dinka, Head of the Mekane Yesus Church Rev. Itaffa Gobana, and Oxfam America Director Aberra Tola offered a new option (Ref. B). The Elders 2 group reported in late September that a group of Oromo community leaders from within Ethiopia approached the three, previously rather apolitical prominent Oromos soliciting that they attempt to reconcile the GoE and OLF. Amb. Dinka reported that based on approval by Prime Minister Meles for his team to approach the OLF, the Elders 2 succeeded in January 2008 in getting an initial written commitment (the Amsterdam Agreement) from OLF Chairman Dawud Ibsa that the OLF would "accept, in principle," the Ethiopian constitution. When taken to the Prime Minister in the spring, Meles expressed skepticism about the statement and requested that the Elders 2 reconfirm that the OLF Executive Committee agreed to it. Despite outreach to, and receiving the support of, a broad variety of prominent Oromos in the diaspora around this effort, OLF Executive Committee members based in Asmara rejected the statement.

¶4. (SBU) Amb. Dinka presented us with a proposal in late September that he claimed had been endorsed by prominent figures at the Oromo Studies Association meeting in July, the community leaders in Ethiopia who initially approached his group, and several key OLF-related individuals. The proposal was to convene a conference of major Oromo elders and community leaders in Ethiopia to produce a declaration insisting that the OLF pursue reconciliation with the GoE. Amb. Dinka argued that such a consensus declaration could persuade Asmara-based OLF hard-liners -- hardened either by principle or due to pressure exerted on them by Eritrean President Isaias not to engage the GoE -- either to agree to engage the GoE or risk losing the support of the in-country Oromo community.

¶5. (SBU) When queried on the duplication of "elders" activities with Prof. Ephraim's group, Ambassador Dinka argued that Prof. Ephraim had lost the confidence of the Oromos for his partisan interventions on the GoE's behalf in the opposition pardon effort. Additionally, as an Oromo elder himself and having had a brother killed by GoE forces for alleged ties to the OLF, Prof. Ephraim, Amb. Dinka argued, is particularly not a credible advocate among Oromos because he has never once advocated to the GoE for the pardon or release of the thousands of Oromos detained in Ethiopia. Amb. Dinka further dismissed Elders 1's reconciliation efforts with the OLF noting that OLF Chairman Dawud Ibsa himself had written a letter to Prof. Ephraim arguing that the OLF leadership would not engage with him. In response to our skepticism about the receptivity of the EPRDF's Oromo sub-party the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), Amb. Dinka argued that he and his group had discussed the issue with OPDO leaders including Addis Mayor Kuma Demeksa, Trade Minister Girma Birru, and Oromiya Regional President Abadula. While admitting that Abadula was initially opposed to such outreach, he later came around, and Kuma and Girma both supported the initiative. Amb. Dinka speculated that the OPDO support may reflect a desire for the OPDO to gain credibility within Ethiopia and shed the public perception of the party as an Oromo puppet of the Tigrayan leadership. Bringing the OLF back to Ethiopia, and possibly pursuing a future alliance with the EPRDF could offer a chance to aspiring OPDO leaders to later join the OLF, gain legitimacy, and pursue higher office. While we were skeptical that much of an opening genuinely existed among either the OLFQr the GoE, the proposed approach was novel, low cost, and offered a slight opportunity potentially to help stabilize Ethiopia's increasingly fragile political climate. As such, the Ambassador confirmed with the Prime Minister the latter's support for this effort and we funded the conference.

CONVENING ETHIOPIA'S OROMOS
---------------------------
¶6. (SBU) On October 30 and 31, the Elders 2 convened ten apolitical elders and community leaders from Addis Ababa and each zone of Oromiya to discuss how to bring the OLF back into the fold of legal political parties in Ethiopia. In a November 1 declaration, the 160 elders "strongly demanded that the OLF leadership heed the genuine desire of the Oromo people and enter into negotiations with the GoE" on the basis of the Amsterdam Agreement. On November 3, 30 of the assembled elders met with Prime Minister Meles to report on the conference and express concerns about the recent crack-down on Oromos in Ethiopia. Meles reportedly informed the group that he has two roles which he must balance: 1) maintaining law and order in the face of credible threats, and 2) promoting political reconciliation. As such, Meles affirmed that the GoE would continue to crack-down on anyone overtly supporting the OLF through actions, but would otherwise press for leniency toward those who simply support the OLF politically or in principle.

¶7. (SBU) On November 14, Amb. Dinka and his two colleagues briefed the press on their conference and the details of the Oromo leaders' declaration. On November 15, the OLF Executive Committee issued a press release noting that it had previously informed the Elders that it would not sign on to the Amsterdam Agreement as the OLF retains its position that "the OLF is committed to dialogue without precondition in the presence of a third party." Despite this statement, the Elders 2 group is not surprised by, and plans to reach out to the Asmara-based OLF leadership directly to assess whether the statement accurately reflects the OLF's actual position, or more the position that they must take while living in Asmara under the influence and pressure of Isaias.

IS THE GOE RECEPTIVE?
---------------------

¶8. (SBU) As reported in Ref. A, the Elders 2 conference of Oromo leaders coincided with a significant crack-down on Oromos in Ethiopia, re-igniting the question of the GoE's sincerity in reconciling with the OLF. Fundamentally, both Prof. Ephraim and Amb. Dinka have acknowledged to us in the past few months that the GoE is not willing to change its own tactics domestically with regard to the Oromo community or legal Oromo political parties in Ethiopia as a confidence building gesture. Instead, both elders have argued, the GoE expects the OLF to unilaterally abandon its professed strategy of armed struggle without any prior indications of the GoE's willingness to reconcile beyond the word of the Prime Minister passed through intermediaries.

¶9. (C) In response to our inquiries, Amb. Dinka speculated that the recent GoE crack-down on Oromos results from a resurgence of concern from the OPDO that the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) at the core of the EPRDF may abandon the OPDO for the OLF as it's Oromo partner should the OLF return to the domestic political scene. Despite this crack-down, both Prof. Ephraim and Amb. Dinka emphasized that they believe that the Prime Minister's receptivity to reconciliation with the OLF remains intact, and that he may be placating the OPDO, and hard-liners within the TPLF, with the current crack-down to cover his own strategy of returning the OLF to Ethiopian politics.

FINAL COMMENT AND NOTE
--------------------

¶10. (C) The GoE's harassment, arrests, and crack-down on Oromos and Oromo political parties, sends a clear message, in our assessment, that the GoE is not sincerely committed to meeting the OLF even part way in breaching the GoE-OLF divide. Just as the GoE's unrelenting assault on the domestic Oromo community impedes reconciliation, so to does the OLF's unwillingness to accept, even in principle, the Ethiopian constitution as a basic precondition to talks. The Elders 2 initiative provided a novel approach and a narrow window of opportunity, which we recognized before deciding to support their proposed conference. Despite the minuscule chance of the conference producing a break-through, having a consensus document endorsed by prominent elders and community leaders from throughout Oromiya calling on the OLF to pursue reconciliation with the GoE is a useful step.

¶11. (C) Embassy Addis Ababa fundamentally believes that GoE reconciliation with the OLF is critical to Ethiopia's long-term stability. If the USG chooses to support or facilitate GoE-OLF reconciliation -- as we did from 2004 to 2006 -- we must be prepared to exert pressure on both parties to offer confidence building gestures toward the other including a GoE pardon of alleged OLF prisoners and easing in the harassment of Oromos in Ethiopia as well as a unilateral declaration by the OLF to cease, at least temporarily, its commitment to armed struggle. Should the USG seek to pursue such efforts, it may be useful for AF and/or INR/AA to reach out to OLF leaders in the U.S. and Europe, as well as for Embassy Asmara to reach out to OLF Chairman Dawud Ibsa and members of the OLF Executive Committee separately, to explore the relative merits of the two "elders" initiatives, perceptions on the opening for reconciliation, and press for a commitment to re-attempt reconciliation. With the Elders 2 declaration, the Oromo people in Ethiopia have clearly stated that they are no longer looking for conflict, but for a peaceful approach to reverse Oromo marginalization. If the OLF can show themselves to be politicians and statesmen, the world would certainly be more sympathetic to their cause.
End Comment.
YAMAMOTO

WikiLeaks on "REACHING OUT TO THE [Shanee Group of] OLF ..."

2011-09-15T21:39:00.021-04:00

A secret document leaked by WikiLeaks (see below) confirms that the Oromo struggle continues to be used as a pawn in the chess game played by western powers on their Horn of Africa chess board.

If history is any guide, it is not likely that this "REACHING OUT TO THE [Shanee Group of] OLF ..." would be in search of a just resolution of the conflict between Oromia and Ethiopia which would be the decolonization of Oromia through the Oromo people’s right of self-determination. The sole purpose in this case seems to be the isolation of Eritrea, another state using the Oromo struggle as a pawn in its chess game against the West and its neighbor to the south.

Eritrea and the West share a common interest, albeit to a differing degree, when it comes to the OLF. A weakened OLF is in the best interest of both. The West would like to see a OLF weakened to the point of surrendering to TPLF without or with minimal face saving concessions for its demands. In that way, it can keep one of its tyrant clients – Meles Zenawi - happy and in power. Eritrea, on the other hand, would not want to see a strong and independent OLF that can take on TPLF on its own. But, neither does it want to see OLF surrender to TPLF before it (Eritrea) has a chance to use it (the OLF) as a bargaining chip in possible future negotiations with TPLF. It would require a total suspension of logic and rational thought to be able to imagine a deal between the two which would not include the fate of THE [Shanee Group of] OLF while they are both (Shanee – The Dawud Ibsaa Group, and Jijjiirama – The Kamal Gelchu Group) stationed in Asmara.

One tried and true method both sides use to keep the OLF weak and pathetic is by helping it replicate itself every few years. How? They simply refer to some of the OLF leaders as “moderates” and to others as “hard-liners.” To top it up, they throw in Meles’ wish to negotiate with the moderates. Then, the race to become the darling of the West would begin. Given the omnipotence some leaders of the Shanee Group of OLF attach to the West and their craving for West’s attention, they start talking to the West behind each other’s backs and promising to meet the set conditions including renouncing armed struggle, accepting the TPLF constitution or whatever is asked of them.

In 1998 a group of OLF leaders, led by Lenco Lata and referred to as “moderates”, signed agreement with World Lutheran Federation (WLF) to accept the TPLF constitution and renounce armed struggle. They gained nothing for doing so except contempt and disregard from the West, TPLF and the Oromo public. Their action split the leaders in to two groups. Another group of OLF leaders, led by Dawud Ibsaa and referred to as “moderates”, accepted the same conditions set by the West and TPLF in the form of “Agenda for Peace” in 2000. Besides causing the organization to split and earning the leaders of the organization contempt from the Oromo mass and others, nothing was gained by this group's action either. In 2008, this later “moderate” group split into two: one led by Dawud Ibsaa a.k.a Shanee and another led by Kamal Gelchu a.k.a. Jijjiirama. It is not enough for the West and TPLF that these two groups offered their “Agenda for Peace” as moderates before their split. As you can read from the leaked document below, they have to further be dichotomized into “moderates and hard-liners” to weaken them further.

Having learned nothing from history and in its race to become the darling of the West, the Kemal Gelchu group has come up with “OLF Declaration of Non-violent Struggle against Meles Zenawi and its Tyrannical Regime” ( READ HERE)

This is particularly interesting coming from a group whose leader was once a loyal TPLF soldier who purportedly left Ethiopia because he felt it was impossible to defeat Meles Zenawi through peaceful methods but only by waging armed struggle. Before he even fires his first bullet as a liberation fighter, he disowns armed struggle. This smells like the Trojan horse Spartans used to defeat Troy from which the adage “beware of gift bearing Greeks” originates. I plan to return to this issue at a later date. (READ HERE)

What is my point?

May point is that what TPLF and the West are looking for is not a moderate OLF. If that was the case, they would have been satisfied with those who signed the WLF agreement and would have pressured or persuaded Meles to compromise with them. They did not! Had the West was looking for a moderate OLF, it would have been satisfied with the group that published “Agenda for Peace” in 2000. It did not happen! That group got no help from the West, nor any compromise from Meles. What they are looking for is a OLF weakened into nonexistence. In other words, the only way you can satisfy them is by destroying the OLF, not by being “moderates”.

Oromo nationalists should Resist! Resist! and Resist this machination at all cost!

===Leaked Document Begins Here=====
Reference ID: 07ADDISABABA1961
Created: 2007-06-23 14:48
Released: 2011-08-30 01:44
Classification: SECRET
Origin: Embassy Addis Ababa

VZCZCXRO4049
PP RUEHROV
DE RUEHDS #1961/01 1741448
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
P 231448Z JUN 07
FM AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 6729
INFO RUCNIAD/IGAD COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC PRIORITY
RHMFISS/CJTF HOA PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEKDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RHMFISS/HQ USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 02 ADDIS ABABA 001961

SIPDIS

SIPDIS

DEPARTMENT FOR AF AND AF/E
LONDON, PARIS, ROME FOR AFRICA WATCHER
CJTF-HOA AND USCENTCOM FOR POLAD

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/23/2017
TAGS: PGOV PINS ER ET
SUBJECT: ETHIOPIA: REACHING OUT TO THE OLF AND CUTTING
ERITREA'S DIVISIVE INFLUENCE

Classified By: AMBASSADOR DONALD YAMAMOTO. REASON: 1.4 (D).

¶1. (S/NF) SUMMARY. Norwegian Church Aid representatives Arne Saeveraas and Hans Birkeland told Ambassador June 21 that while there was little progress on their mediation efforts between the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ethiopian Government, they were keeping lines of communications open. The continued presence of OLF hard-liners and leaders in Asmara remains a stumbling block to progress in engaging Ethiopian leaders and the OLF, but the Norwegians are hopeful that they can bring moderate elements of the OLF into closer dialogue with Ethiopian officials. Sebhat Nega, TPLF central committee member and stalwart within the Ethiopian government, is scheduled to travel to Europe in the near future to meet with OLF representatives. The Norwegians believe that strong U.S. support for the moderate OLF leadership will help undercut Asmara,s divisive influence and bolster a greater opening between the OLF and Ethiopian government. Embassy supports Norway's approach and believes encouragement of the Ethiopian Government and outreach to the OLF moderates on a dialogue will enhance internal Ethiopian peace and stability. END SUMMARY.

¶2. (S/NF) Norwegian Church Aid special advisor Arne Saeveraas and country representative Hans Birkeland briefed Ambassador on their latest discussions with Ethiopian officials on an OLF engagement. Saeveraas said Norwegian Church Aid and Norwegian Government remained hopeful but that the current dialogue between the OLF and Ethiopian Government (which is conducted in Brussels through former Ethiopian Ambassador to the U.S. and current Ambassador to the EU Berhane Gebrechristol) required higher Ethiopian attention. Ambassador Berhane, a conservative hard-line member of the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), had been a barrier to dialogue. Saeveraas noted that TPLF central committee member and stalwart of the Ethiopian Government, Sebhat Nega, who remains a close advisor to Prime Minister Meles, plans to travel to Europe in August to meet with moderate OLF officials.

¶3. (S/NF) While Sebhat,s involvement is hopeful, Saeveraas is trying to push the Ethiopians to reach out and engage the moderate elements of the OLF rather than to set conditions for expanded dialogue. Saeveraas noted that so long as Asmara hosted and played a significant role influencing the hard-line OLF members and much of the leadership, expanded OLF-Ethiopia dialogue would be difficult. Saeveraas said moderate OLF leaders like former leader Leencho Lata were being marginalized by more hard-line members resident in Asmara.

---------------------
U.S. MUST PLAY A ROLE
---------------------

¶4. (S/NF) Saeveraas and Birkeland both underscored the importance of the U.S. to the process. Public encouragement by the U.S. and other countries for the moderate wing of the OLF would help bolster OLF leaders seeking a dialogue with Ethiopia and moderate the influence of the hard-liners in Eritrea. Saeveraas suggested that Norway could host a meeting of the OLF leadership, including those from Asmara, but there needed to be strong support from the U.S. and other countries to help moderate OLF leaders demonstrate to their membership that the path of dialogue was more effective than armed resistance and the more intolerant rhetoric of hard-line members.

¶5. (S/NF) Further, both Norwegian Church Aid officials said that the U.S. and other countries privately encouraging the Ethiopian Government to reach out to the moderate OLF leaders would be the best way to undercut Asmara,s negative influence.

¶6. (S/NF) COMMENT. Over two years ago, the Africa Bureau, working with Norway, engaged moderate elements of the OLF and encouraged Prime Minister Meles and his envoy, Ambassador Berhane, to take a more positive approach to OLF-Ethiopia Government discussions. A meeting with some OLF leaders, including a few based in Asmara, over two years ago at the State Department, while highly encouraging, did not lead to greater USG involvement, because of the lack of interagency consensus and differing views with Post which did not fully support engagement.

¶7. (S/NF) COMMENT CONTINUED. Tough measures adopted by Ethiopian security forces in parts of the country in response to increased security threats and continued political differences between Oromo and Ethiopian Government leaders make dialogue between the Government and the OLF challenging. A dialogue with moderate elements, an effort Prime Minister Meles supports, should be encouraged. Post recommends that the interagency support the Norwegian efforts for a moderate OLF-Ethiopian Government dialogue, and that the U.S. play a greater supportive role, along with our European colleagues, in encouraging expanded dialogue. Getting the OLF leadership and supporters out of Asmara would be critical to a successful dialogue, but the U.S. and others will need to encourage the OLF that dialogue will be more beneficial in securing long-term peace, than armed resistance or opposition to dialogue. END COMMENT.
YAMAMOTO

Wikileaks on Kuma Demeksa, Born Taye Teklehaimanot: “opportunistic, reclusive and not well regarded in Oromiya region”

2011-09-06T19:33:00.004-04:00

WikiLeaks, the non-profit organization dedicated to publishing previously classified, hidden or sensitive documents, has released one on Kuma Demeksa of TPLF/OPDO from 2008 in which he is characterized as “opportunistic, reclusive and not well regarded in Oromiya region” by the former US ambassador to Ethiopia. What the Oromo knew for many years – that Kuma is not Oromo and that he was “born in Oromiya Region of Amhara parents” (see below) - is also confirmed in this message.

Enjoy!
__________________________________________________________________
VZCZCXRO0462
RR RUEHLMC
DE RUEHDS #1416/01 1430515
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 220515Z MAY 08
FM AMEMBASSY ADDIS ABABA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 0714
INFO RUEHNR/AMEMBASSY NAIROBI 3496
RUEHAE/AMEMBASSY ASMARA 2729
RUEHDJ/AMEMBASSY DJIBOUTI 8992
RUEHLMC/MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORP WASHINGTON DC 0117
RHMFISS/CJTF HOA
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC

UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 ADDIS ABABA 001416
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS

E.O.12958: N/A
TAGS: KDEM PINR PGOV PREL PHUM ET
SUBJECT: PARTY-HACK ANOINTED MAYOR OF ADDIS ABABA

SUMMARY

¶1. (SBU) Following its landslide victory in the April 2008 local elections, the ruling Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) appointed Defense Minister Kuma Demeksa, an opportunistic 50-year old party loyalist, as mayor of Addis Ababa. In a conference held at the City Hall on May 20, the EPRDF also selected the Deputy Mayor, as well as the Secretary General, the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the City Council.

¶2. (U) The 137 EPRDF city council members-elect appointed Kuma Demeksa Mayor of Addis Ababa in a ceremony held at the City Hall on May 20. Other EPRDF members selected for office include: Kefyalew Azeze--Deputy Mayor; Woizero Sinkinesh Atale--Speaker of the Addis Ababa Council; Elias Seid--Deputy Speaker of the Council; and Woizero Negede Lema--Secretary General of Addis Ababa Council. The EPRDF also selected ten heads of the various bureaus in the city administration: Abate Setotaw, Youth and Sports; Dulamo Otore, Education, Tsegaye H/Mariam, Justice and Security; Belaynesh Teklai, Finance and Economic Development, Fikru Merga, Trade and Industry; Getachew H/Mariam, Works and Urban Development; Daba Debele, Capacity Building; Dr. Hussein Mohammed, Health; Gebretsadik Hagos, Culture and Tourism; Ejigayehu Akberot, Women's Affairs. END SUMMARY.

BIO ON THE MAYOR

¶3. (U) The newly-elected mayor, Kuma Demeksa, a.k.a. Taye Teklehaimanot, was born in Oromiya Region of Amhara parents in 1958. He completed his elementary and secondary education in Gore town, Illubabor Zone of Oromiya Region. Kuma joined an elite police force in the early 1970's and was promoted to the rank of captain after the 1974 revolution that brought the "Dergue" military regime of Mengistu Hailemariam to power. As a member of the elite police force, Kuma served in Eritrea, where he was captured and made a prisoner of war by the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) guerilla forces.

¶4. (SBU) In an agreement reached between Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and EPLF in 1981, the guerilla forces handed Kuma over to TPLF. TPLF "re-educated" Kuma and allowed him to join the Ethiopian Peoples' Democratic Movement, EPDM (the non-Tigrayan, junior partner of TPLF). In 1990, Kuma Demeksa quit EPDM to form the Oromo Peoples' Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Oromo wing of EPRDF. When the EPRDF coalition came to power in 1991, Kuma was appointed as Minister of Interior in the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (1991-1995). Kuma's leverage at the helm of the Interior Ministry was overshadowed by the effective control held by Tigrayan security chief Kinfe Gebre Medhin (assassinated in May 2001). When Ethiopia's federal government was established in 1995, Kuma was elected head of the executive committee of Oromiya Region. Kuma remained President of Oromiya region until July 2001.

¶5. (SBU) Kuma temporarily fell out of favor following the split within TPLF in the Spring of 2001 because he supported the dissident TPLF group led by Seeye Abraha, who was later jailed for six years for corruption. In July 2001, Kuma was officially removed from his position as president of Oromiya region and Secretary General of OPDO because of allegations of corruption, abuse of power and anti-democratic practices. He laid low for more than a year.

¶6. (SBU) In late 2002, Kuma re-emerged and was appointed as one of the three State Ministers at the Ministry of Capacity Building under the supervision of the austere party ideologue, Tefera Waliwa. He served as state minister until October 2005. Embassy contacts say that Kuma convinced the TPLF leadership that he had been "reformed" and demonstrated unconditional loyalty to the party while serving as State Minister under the watchful eyes of Tefera Waliwa. Kuma was subsequently appointed as Minister of Defense in October 2005 when Prime Minister Meles reshuffled his cabinet in the wake of the 2005 national election.

¶7. (U) Kuma has been married twice and is a father of seven, with three children from his first wife and four from his current wife. Kuma received his first and second degrees from the London-based UK Open University while working as State Minister at the Ministry of Capacity building.

COMMENT

¶8. (SBU) Kuma's critics describe him as a colorless party-hack who has "been everywhere and has reached nowhere." Kuma is quite and reclusive and rarely meets with non-party members. However, he is committed to the party and very loyal to Prime Minister Meles. Kuma is said to be a survivor because he respects authority, is reclusive and keeps a low profile. He is not well regarded in Oromiya region, where he served as President for over six years, and has been labelled indecisive and ineffective. Kuma's appointment as Mayor has puzzled many residents of Addis Ababa. Observers expected that the EPRDF would appoint a sharper and more apt Mayor to address the multi-faceted social, political and economic problems of the city in order to win the hearts and minds of residents who voted overwhelmingly in favor of the opposition in 2005, and largely stayed home during the 2008 local elections. END COMMENT.

YAMAMOTO

Have your say!

A Call to Boycott Ethiopian Airlines

2011-08-09T21:35:00.009-04:00

To weaken the tyrant TPLF regime in Ethiopia

Kill the cow!

Ethiopian Airlines: Anti-Oromo

2011-07-31T11:10:00.003-04:00

By Dirribi Demissie Bokku

My name is Dirribi Demissie Bokku. I am president of Mecha -Tulama Association. In this capacity I was imprisoned for three years because we protested against the removal of Oromia’s capital from Finfinne. Prior to my imprisonment I was employed at the Ethiopian Airlines for over twenty years. Upon my release from employment the Ethiopian Airlines against its policy and the law refused to take me back. They also refused to pay me my severance pay and other benefits including free tickets for employees who had worked and retired from employment. The Ethiopian Airlines had not done this type of harsh measure against anybody in its long history in the past. This was done specifically because of my strong stance against the removal of Oromia’s capital from Finfinne.

My life history and the saga of Ethiopian Airlines (EAL) are as presented in my book Oromo Wisdom in Black Civilization as follows:

Mr. Dirribi Damuse has put down certain points he sees as milestones in the course of his life to this day. The aim of putting down the points to the attention of readers is not an attempt of glorifying the life of an ordinary Oromo national. It is rather to tell the hardship an Oromo nationalist confronts under the Ethiopian empire even at the turn of this century; it is to the extent of denial of the right to life. It is to tell the reading public how much the state and its machineries boldly act to subjugate or else eliminate an Oromo. This is a rare opportunity the writer grabs to inform the world about man’s inhumanity to man.

Mr. Dirribi Damuse tells us about major events in his life in the form of first person “I” as he claims it is right to do so since he is master of his own affairs. In fact, it is possible to develop his personal account in to a big volume. However, that would lead to unnecessary wastage of precious time of readers.

I, Dirribi Damuse Bokku Abdi, was born to a peasant family in the presently West Shawa Zone of Ilu Galen District in May 1952. I attended Primary School at Gedo town and Secondary School in Finfinnee, the capital. It was during the reign of the Derg that I was imprisoned implicated with affiliation to All Ethiopia Socialist Movement known by Amharic acronym MEISON. I served five years and three months prison term without trial. That created the chance for me to study nationalism in line with the Marxist view of the time associated with history of the Oromo. Out of prison, I was employed at the Ethiopian Airlines in 1983. As a staff of the Airlines, I studied Economics in the evening/extension programmed at Addis Ababa University, which requires longer period than the regular does. When I was in fifth year round (1991) out of the seven years to complete, the Derg was overthrown with eventual closure of the University for a while. I also found mine in the lineup of politics in the new chapter though never returning to school.
I became a member of Waaqeffannaa Religion Followers Association in 2001 in the course of which I began to study the culture, history and religion of the Oromo. In the same year, I became member of Maccaa-Tulama Self-Help Association to which I was elected president two years later. On the other hand, the Association entered into a serious political debate with the government that year. The argument attributed to the issue that Oromia should retain Finfinnee immediately after it was announced that the Council of Oromia moved its capital to Adama. I, together with other board members of the Association, maintained firm stand on the matter.

The Association called for public demonstration to express their view against the decision. The government violently crashed the demonstration blaming the Association for blackmailing the state. Apparently, I was imprisoned from May 18, 2004 up to March 2007 only under litigation process with the pretext of taking buy time for clarification. At the end, I was released up on acquittal. Then I was informed dismissed from my position with the Airlines without any sufficient ground. One could say, unfortunately though, it was due to solely the deep-rooted hatred of Abyssinians directed towards the Oromo. The Ethiopian Airlines Management, in a feat of demonstrating loyalty to the government by starving my family and me, wrote a letter on April 30, 2008 stating, “The reason for interruption of your employment duties would not allow you to rehire.” Besides, I was denied severance pay despite my legal right to claim for it after well over 20 years service. I did neither steal nor damage the property of the Ethiopian Airlines. I never had dispute with any staff member too. If I fought for the rights of the Oromo over Finfinnee, there is nothing to bother the Airlines because it is none of its business.

The die-hard stance is testimony to the harm done on purpose against those who struggle for the rights of Oromo. The intention in this specific case is to deny the claim by Oromo over a city completely encircled by the very population and the issue the government accepted justified. The constitution provides especial rights to Oromia over Finfinnee. It is true that Finfinnee naturally belongs to the Oromo where God created them. Thus, I committed no crime at all. Since I was confident that I never committed any crime, I was ready even to face the gallows on the issue of Finfinnee.

Here the Ethiopian Airlines committed three major crimes: denial of the opportunity to work and live; unwilling to effect severance pay; and denial of 8 free air tickets per year during retirement. The Ethiopian Airlines had the tradition of restoring many of its employees who were released from prison after serving jail terms. There is a notable case to cite. The government released a person called Ob. Darara Damasa in the Millennium Pardon Act. He had been accused of affiliation with OLF and had been sentenced to death but later on changed to life imprisonment. After serving 13 years of jail he was set free in the new Millennium. Moreover, the National Regional Government of Oromia allowed him to resume his job, teaching. The reason behind refusal of restoring me to my position by top management of E.A.L such as Mr. Girma Wake (Chief executive Officer C.E.O)[1] and Mrs. Frehiwot Worku Executive officer human resource E.O.H.R) has never been clear to my conscience. In fact, they did not want direct talk with me. Do not I deserve due human respect? Alternatively, they do not care for human respect. It is from this that I concluded the hatred and contempt of the Habesha against the Oromo to be the underlying cause. (King Sahel Silasie’s army at Bole, which is the current Ethiopian International Airport site, killed my great grandfather. Oromos are still uprooted from Finfinnee and its environs. They are denied job opportunity. Why should the Habesha commit all such heinous crimes? Why do they kill us? How long should they uproot us from our fatherland?)

After two years or so of joblessness I was employed in Oromiya International Bank that enabled me support myself and my family as part of its objective of alleviating economic problems of the Oromo. This, to my understanding, is the reflection of the role of nationalism in helping nationals under difficulty. The very fact that the Oromia National Regional State re-instated Mr. Darara despite difference in political outlook again is a matter of fellow feeling under nationalism. It means the problem of an Oromo family is a matter of their concern. To the contrary, the E.A.L Management rejected my request to resume my duties as a matter of survival since they do not bother whether an Oromo family starved to death. While running lucrative business in Oromia land and Air space and Finfinnee, center of Oromia, why is E.A.L act against the interest of Oromo? Let history and Oromo people judge as to what the reaction to intentionally starving human beings and that those who are at least formally acknowledged citizens of a country should be.

I ask all my compatriots to demand that Mr Girma Wake, Ex Chief Executive Officer of EAL and Ms. Frehiwot Worku, the Ex Executive Officer of Human Resource, who were officers at the time when the action was taken against me and the current management of EAL, to answer the following questions:

What is the justification that EAL refused to return Mr Dirribii’s to his job?
As a matter of management ethics, is it appropriate to refuse to talk to an employee for the entire year, an employee who served the EAL for over 20 years?
Is it appropriate that an employee who served for more than 20 years should be fired simply because he was jailed without being found guilty of any offense?
It was reported that Ms. Firehiwot Worqu said “when he stands on a street side and begs, he will refrain from his talk of the rights of the Oromo, and others will see him and also stop talking about Oromo rights.” Is it correct to fire an employee from his job to make him example to others for political reasons?
The dismissal letter of April 30, 2008, states the reason for the denial to rehire as follows: “the reason for which your employment was interrupted in the first place will not allow you fore reinstatement to your job.” Following this logic, what are the conditions that become the ground for refusal to rehire of an employee who had been forcefully removed from his job?

The action that the EAL took against me was intentionally done to discourage an individually Oromo from struggling for his people’s cause. The EAL management through its acts has clearly shown that it is an anti-Oromo organization. Even though this organization is created and maintained through the Oromo people’s wealth it has time and again shown its anti Oromo stance. Even if at this stage there are not many things that we could do, I demand our people to boycott flying the EAL until and unless it reverses the action it took against me and change its way of discouraging Oromos from struggling for their people.

[1] He also tried to contact through elders such as Prof Ephraim Isac Mr Bulcha Damaksa, a member of parliament and Mr. Alemayehu G/Medin.

Oromia Land Grab: Buying a parcel of land with your soul

2011-06-14T18:10:00.006-04:00

It is not just the Saudis, the Indians and other foreigners that are engaged in land grab in Oromia after all. Some in the Oromo Diaspora are also busy participating in displacing the Oromo poor from their land and sharing the booty with the TPLF regime of Ethiopia. The list is long but it includes Oromo church “elders” and community “leaders”.

What is a parcel of land worth for these people? Their soul!

Here are three of the MPLS, MN “elders and leaders” with Girma Birruu of TPLF/OPDO selling their souls for a few acres of land in Oromia.

To enlarge, click on the picture.

Thank God for the nationalists in MPLS (see picture below) for their continued effort to be the voice of our voiceless people back home.

Have your say!

A Strong Secular Pan-Oromo Liberation Front is a Key to Freedom

2011-06-06T16:30:00.002-04:00

By Mulugeta Mossissa*

June 6, 2011

The purpose of this article is neither to imply that Oromo politics is a monopoly of one particular organization nor to undermine the contributions of many genuine Oromo political organizations and individuals to the struggle of the Oromo people for freedom.

To the contrary, those who directly or indirectly contributed to the struggle of the Oromo people for liberation are acclaimed by the Oromo people. More over, as individuals or as groups, they will have a place in the Oromo history for their good deeds. Likewise, those who have commercialized and traded with the blood of Oromo sons and daughters will accordingly be judged by history.

Formation of different political parities is also not a problem by itself. But the question is the timing of their formation. We can have as many different political parties as we want when the time is appropriate to do so. In an independent country where its people have political, social and economic freedoms, having a multiparty system is one of the fundamental principles of democracy. Therefore, under such a free condition there is nothing wrong with the emergence of different political parties which compete against one another to take political power and serve their people. But when Oromia is still under occupation and the Oromo people have no freedom to elect their genuine political leaders, competing over something that does not exist is “putting the cart before the horse.”

In light with the dire economic, political and social conditions that the Oromo people are in, it is not wise to divide the Oromo forces by forming ineffective small political groups that undermine the unity of our people at large. This division will kill the aspiration of our people for freedom. As divided and weak we are, we cannot challenge the Ethiopian dictatorial regime that perpetrates different atrocities against our people. Particularly, it is very damaging to the struggle when these groups develop an attitude of adversarial competitions against one another. The only parties that will benefit from our divisions are our adversaries. I hope every concerned Oromo can understand the damage these divisions and infightings have done so far to the struggle of the Oromo people for freedom.

Why a Strong Secular Pan -Oromo Liberation Front?

Now, when we are facing one of Africa’s most ruthless dictators that will never hesitate to use any means to stay in power, when tens of thousands of Oromo nationals are languishing in Ethiopian prisons and concentration camps, when Oromo youths are targeted and killed like hunting games by the Ethiopian killing squads, when thousands of students are forced to leave their education and exile to neighboring countries, and when some of them perish in the sea or in the deserts on their way to safety, when Oromo rural populations are evicted from their birth places and their land is given to Meles Zenawi’s officials or sold(leased) to foreign capitalists, when Oromo men and women, young and old, rich and poor, educated and uneducated, as a whole, are treated as second citizens and dehumanized by Ethiopian dictators, it is vital important to have a strong, secular, unifying pan-Oromo Liberation Front which can be up to the challenge of the time. Neither lamenting about “Ethiopian democratization,” nor creating small ineffective Oromo political groupings can be the answer to the question of the Oromo people. It is rather prolonging their sufferings under different Abyssinian oppressive regimes.

The urgent need is to liberate our people from Abyssinian colonial rule. To do that, it is paramount to unite and rally all Oromo forces under one Pan-Oromo Liberation Front. Without such a strong organization that could unify and lead the Oromo struggle for liberation, it is impossible to think of the Oromo freedom. Without such an organization the Oromo will go on counting, from generation to generation, the number of Abyssinian dictators that take power in turn in Ethiopia. Perhaps, one may even witness a coming back of an Abyssinian autocrat or king. That is possible to happen.

To have a secular Pan-Oromo Liberation Front is not a matter of choice. It is a must without which we cannot liberate our people. From this perspectives therefore, it is a must to revitalize the OLF which is undoubtedly an all inclusive Pan-Oromo Liberation Front.

The OLF, as a secular Pan-Oromo political organization, has a long history in the struggle of the Oromo people for freedom. Its political program is nothing but the true reflection of the political, economic and social aspirations of our people. This desire and will of our people is once again confirmed in 1991 when the Oromo people converged into Finfinne from all corners of Oromia to show full solidarity with the OLF and its political program. The OLF is seen by the Oromo people not only as a liberation front but also as a symbol of unity.

The OLF leadership and members have historical responsibilities to materialize the Kaayyoo of OLF that is interested in them by the Oromo people. This requires putting the cause of our people before personal interests. It requires genuine efforts of all concerned groups and individuals involved in the struggle to solve their political differences and forge unity among Oromo nationalists to revitalize the OLF so that it can reemerge once again as a unifying all inclusive secular and strong Pan Oromo political force.

Unity here does not however mean handshakes and giving hugs to each other by the top leaderships without addressing properly the root cause of the division. The idea of Araaraa is not reconciling individuals at the top who can drift apart when they do not agree and come together when they want. The idea of Araaraa is to adopt a common political object (Kaayyoo) and common policy towards friends of our struggle and our adversaries. It is forging a common strategy to take the struggle of our people forward. In short, it is not a unity of different individuals or groups with different and irreconcilable political objects. It is rather the unity of political actions based on a common goal or kaayyoo.

The means by which this kaayyoo is achieved also must be clear to all members and supporters of the front to avoid polarization and confusions. Obviously the means we use to achieve our object depends not only on how we want to achieve it but also on the nature of our adversaries. If our inherent human and democratic rights are flagrantly violated and our demands to make an end to these violations are always met with brut forces, as we have experienced under different Ethiopian autocratic and dictatorial regimes for more than a century, it is our right to use all available means to get back our lost humanity, freedom and dignity.

The Ethiopian political infrastructure and the nature of the incumbent party do not allow a peaceful political settlement of the conflicts in the Empire. It is tried and failed several times by the OLF and other opposition parties. The political suppression and economic exploitation of the Oromo people under Mr. Meles Zenawi’s regime is getting worse from day to day. Equally, the political programs of some major opposition dominated by the former ruling groups are even worse than that of the incumbent as far as the national question is concerned. Forming an Alliance or trying to operate under the shadow of these oppositions will not give a solution to the question of our people either.

Examining objectively the socio-political and economic relationships between the Oromo people and the Abyssinian ruling groups for more than a century, we find nothing that could make the OLF to change its political program and the means by which this political program is achieved.

Today, the unity of the Oromo people is solid more than ever. Their resolve to get their freedom and be masters of their destiny is equally unshaken by the day to day brutality of Mr. Meles Zenawi’s regime. However, without a strong Liberation Front which leads their struggle this desire cannot be materialized. Therefore, it is important that the OLF reemerge as a strong Pan-Oromo Liberation Front, once again, to fulfill this mission. Whether we like it or not, with all the ups and downs it has faced, OLF still lives in the hearts and minds of the Oromo people.

It is the responsibility of the Oromo political leaders, nationalists and intellectuals, to correct the faulty political trend and follow a viable political path to freedom. It is their duty to turn the silent Oromo majority into a useful and dynamic force. A Strong unifying Secular Pan-Oromo Liberation Front is a key to do that.

The strength of an organization is a key to success. Whatever the nature of the organization may be, a dozen people that are well organized can do a better job than a thousand disorganized individuals.
____________________

*It doesn’t matter who I am. What matters is my view. If you agree with me, let us do it. If not, let me know what a better solution you have. I am ready to learn from others and share my opinion with them.

Have your say!

The nature of TPLF regime

2011-03-26T20:27:00.005-04:00

By Leenjsoo Horoo

It is quite amazing how little those of us who even follow the events in the Ethiopia Empire and in Diasporas really know and understand the very nature of TPLF (aka Wayyane), its sinister scheme, its aspiration and the degree of its danger.

It is a marginal organization from a tiny population, a population that barely exceeds the population of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). Its leadership being a member of such a tiny marginal organization, it fears larger ones. As a consequence, it lives in fear and so feels insecure. It found itself in the midst of ocean of the insurgent people: the Oromo people and other peoples. It fears the people and peoples' organizations. So it has built a source of its own security. Its source of security is based on its army, the police force, the security apparatus, and rings of spies, informers, Death Squads, kidnapping squads, and their foreign supporters.

On the other hand, it is a violent organization; a violent regime. As such, it is a rebel, a militia, a court, a church, a corporation, a legislative, a judiciary, an army, a government in open, and a government in secrecy, all in one. It controls all; it runs all. Having grabbed all these, it has turned itself into a murderous regime of men, women, and children. Hence, in Oromiya its rule is characterized by, and based on, repression, intimidation, assault on human rights and human dignities. Arbitrarily arresting, kidnapping, torturing, and killing, and quick arrest and release, long-term and life-time imprisonment of opponents are its core policy. It is a regime that has lost the spirit of humanity and moral values; it is a sadistic killer. TPLF is an arch-anti-Oromo organization.

This enemy is artfully using Oromos to destroy Oromiya and its people. It has created collaborationist Oromo police and informers within Oromiya that keep a close eye on the Oromo population, regularly visiting, detaining and torturing suspected ones, in the name of "democracy", state security and safety. Hence, in the teeth of Tigrean reign of terror, ruthless suppression of political dissent has become part of life in Oromiya and Ethiopia. Many Oromo were arrested and tortured and killed; many disappeared without trace. Violence is the nature of this regime. Violence emanates from its frenzied insecurity, from its intolerance, from its desire for grabbing someone's wealth, from looting a country's resources for enriching themselves, from lust for power and dominance.

Dr. Levi, himself a survivor of holocaust, wrote about the violence, and the genocide that happened in Europe. His words read in part as:

We must be listened to...we have collectively witnessed a fundamental, unexpected event, fundamental precisely because unexpected, not foreseen by anyone. It [violence] took place in the teeth of all forecasts; it happened in Europe; incredibly, it happened that an entire civilized people... followed a buffoon whose figure today inspire laughter, and yet Adolf Hitler was obeyed and his praises were sung right up to catastrophe. It happened, therefore it can happen again: this is the core of what we have to say.

Moreover, he predicted that the same violence can happen anywhere. Again, his words reads in part as:

It can happen, and it can happen anywhere.... Violence... is therefore before our eyes: it snakes through ...government lawlessness.... In the Third World it is endemic or epidemic. It only awaits its new buffoon... to organize it, legalize it, declare it necessary and mandatory, and so contaminate the world. Few countries can be considered immune to a future tide of violence generated by intolerance, lust for power, economic difficulties, religious or political fanaticism, and racialist attritions. It is therefore necessary to sharpen our senses, distrust the prophets, the enchanters, those who speak and write "beautiful words" unsupported by intelligent reasons.

As Levi predicted, it again happened. The awaited new buffoon has arrived with his violence. And so the violence has already begun in the Third World. It is happening in the Ethiopian empire against the Oromo and other peoples in the Empire. Indeed, the Tigrean buffoon, Meles Zenawi, has already organized violence, legalized it, declared it as necessary and mandatory to be implemented not only against the Oromo people, but also against all peoples in the empire; not only against Oromiya and its natural habitats, but also against Ethiopia itself and its natural habitats. Indeed, TPLF is a fascist organization and the Empire is under the teeth of its fascistic rule.

Have your say!

Leenjiso Horo can be reached at tguyyoo@yahoo.com

Which Model for the Oromo Struggle: The Recent Arab Uprising, the Former Eastern Block or the South Sudanese?

2011-02-16T15:51:00.003-05:00

By Samuel Guutuu

It feels like 1989 in the Arab world. The end of the cold war in 1989 ushered in the revolt in Eastern Europe and finally the fall of the Berlin wall.

2011 ushered in the Arab revolt. The general public led by the middle class in the Arab world seems to have become angry at the lack of progress that has held them back despite their oil wealth. The pervasive corruption that has limited opportunities for the millions who cannot find work has enraged the Arab world from Tunisia to Egypt, to Jordan, to Yemen and the list goes on. Political turmoil is creeping around Arab streets one after another. Is the game over for despotic Arab leaders? Only time will tell.

The driver and the inspiration for the overthrow of communist regimes in 1989, and now Arab leaders, is a call for democracy, freedom, economic opportunity and representative government.

However, there is one notable difference between the uprisings in the former eastern block and the Arab world today. The revolt in the former was not only for, and did not only result in creation of, democracies but also liberation and independence of many nations under alien domination. The notable difference here lays in the fact that we know of no nation seeking liberation from alien domination or independent state in the Arab sphere at least at this time.
On the other hand, the people of South Sudan fought war of liberation for independent state for the past 55 years which finally came to a successful conclusion. They have just announced an overwhelming vote for independence. A new nation is being born on the other side of the western borders of Oromia. The OLF has been conducting a similar war of independence for the past 40 years. The Oromo are struggling against Abyssinian colonial rule akin to the South Sudanese war against Arab rule imposed on them.

It is interesting to read suggestions by some quarters that something like the Arab revolution should be attempted in Ethiopia. While it is natural to wish and try to emulate a successful endeavour, to be led by wish alone is a recipe for failure and even disaster. The importance of taking in to account the similarities and differences in subjective and objective conditions of these societies cannot be over emphasized.

The similarities are obvious for the careful observer: a dictatorial regime, sky high inflation, lack of freedom etc … These similarities have been discussed to death by those who wish for the same upheaval in Ethiopia as, say, in Tunisia. However, there are important differences to be considered here which all opposition groups and commentators can ignore only to the detriment of the peoples of the empire.

The main differences between Tunisia/Egypt (North Africa) and Ethiopia are many folds.

The first is, unlike in the Tunisia/Egypt case, there is an obvious lack of a sizable middle class to lead an urban based street protest to challenge the dictator in Ethiopia. Tunisia’s “per capita income is almost double that of Morocco and Egypt. It's higher than Algeria's, …” Ben Ali ran a police state where the people simply "shut up and consumed" for years which in the process created a sizable middle class. No such middle class exists in the Ethiopian empire to lead and sustain such a resistance.

The second is that Ethiopia is an empire, albeit backward and lethal in its subjugation of not only action but thought. As all empires before it, in order to perpetuate its existence, Ethiopia keeps a tight leash on the use of the rudimentary communications infrastructure in the country. Access to communications media such as cell phones, Facebook, Twitter.and other social networking media that have been used in Tunisia/Egypt is concentrated in the hands of the regime’s supporters besides being monitored and tightly controlled not only during a time of turmoil but at all times.

Thirdly, Ethiopia has no national army to speak of in the first place but an ethnic (Tigrean) army whose loyalty lies with its ethnic base and whose neutrality in an event of a popular upheaval cannot be counted on. This assertion is based not on assumptions but on experiences gained during past popular uprisings in the empire under the current regime.

If the Amhara, the group that considers itself to be archetypal Ethiopian, in addition to Tigray, manages to gather their effort in organizing urban revolt akin to their attempt in the 2005, the striking difference between the Egyptian security forces and the Tigray dominated Ethiopian security forces will become obvious to those who suggest a Tunisian style revolt will succeed in the Ethiopian empire. The former is a national force and the latter is a security force of a nation called Tigray currently colonizing the rest. The Egyptian military is a national army and ordinary residents of Cairo can mount the tanks and talk to their own boys in uniform. Try that to the Agazi force and you will see the difference. It is not that the Agazi are naturally different but they are from Tigray and do not even speak your language. Their national interest which they are given order to protect is not similar to, say, the Oromo national interest or anyone else’s for that matter.

Unlike in the Arab countries, it would be difficult to organize the peoples alongside economic class in the Ethiopian empire. While monopolizing the economy, income disparities, lack of opportunities, and lack of freedom of various sorts are part of the grievance against the regime in Ethiopia they by no means affect all nations and nationalities in that empire equally. While the people whose ethnic brethren are in power (Tigreans) have been benefiting from the status quo, other peoples bore the brunt of the regime’s attack. To maintain the status quo, it is likely that the Tigray people, who currently have the state on their side, will side with the regime thereby changing a popular upheaval against the regime to a conflict between peoples. For a serious analyst of today’s Ethiopia and TPLF psychology, such a scenario is not only possible but inevitability.

For nations like the Oromo who are not only under colony but under the rule of a despot like Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, the comparison between the uprisings in Tunisia/Egypt and Ethiopia is tempting but wrong. Arab societies are not in revolt against a system imposed on them from outside while the opposite is true for colonized nations like the Oromo in the Ethiopian context. The Arab revolt is a popular uprising to change the system within one nation/state in their respective nations for they consider themselves citizens of the same state. That is not the case for the peoples, nations and nationalities languishing in the Ethiopian empire also dubbed “prison of nations.”

The matter of whether the Oromo should be inspired by the South Sudan success, the Arab revolution or the Eastern European model needs to be answered.

The fact remains that the Ethiopian state is neither Federal, nor Democratic nor a Republic. It is a dying empire. Given the above concerns and the Oromo long term experience with the past two major Ethiopian revolutions both OLF and the Oromo people should model their struggle on the proven method that guarantees freedom and human emancipation from the ugliest system of slavery. The Oromo are well advised to follow the example of South Sudan for their struggle closely mirrors and calls for similar outcome as that of the South Sudanese. Just in case the Ethiopians (Amahara and Tigray) rose against their rulers, the Oromo should use that opportunity to organize and bolster their chance for liberation and independent Oromia just like others did in the former Yugoslavia and the USSR.

Have your say!

‘Cushitization’ vs ‘Semitization’ of Ethiopia: A very dangerous dichotomy

2010-12-30T08:07:00.002-05:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

I read the article by Fayyis Oromia with some sense of disbelief. (“Read Here”)

The dichotomy between Cushitic and Sematic Ethiopia is naïve at best and malicious at worst. The enemies of the Oromo struggle have been doing their best to misrepresent the Oromo quest for independence as anti-Semitic movement and have actually succeeded to some degree. I do not think it is up to an Oromo to assist this by falsely claiming that the Oromo should struggle to re-Cushitize Ethiopia unless one has completely lost his marbles.

It is true the Oromo belong to the Cushitic speaking group. It is also true that the Tigre and Amhara belong to the Semitic speaking group. However, let it be known that this dichotomy is not the cause of the Oromo struggle. In fact, I have never read or heard this being the basis of the struggle over the past 40 years. It did not appear in our discourse because it is a taboo subject but there is no logic to it. Let us be clear that this sort of fantasy has no place in the Oromo world view. It is totally alien to our thinking the reason why we struggle that it is difficult to recognize.

The Semitic speaking Tigre and Amhara elite have rallied most western Ethiophile academia and scholars to campaign against us due to this misguided misapprehension. I am speechless that Mr Fayyis Oromia is either unaware of this fact or actively engaged in justifying the myth that already exits. To appear intellectual without being one has this sort of danger. To pretend to be a thinker without thinking is diabolical.

It appears that the Shanee ideologues are shaken to the core by the clear articulation of the objective and vision of the Oromo struggle for freedom by Mr Galassa Dilbo in his recent interview with an Oromo journalist Mr Jalil. (“Listen Here”)

Mr Fayyis Oromia suggests that the Asmara Group should struggle for re-Cushitization of Ethiopia. In the past he argued they should democratize Ethiopia. What is unclear is that whether re-Cushitization is ethnic cleansing or not. It certainly borders on racism.

Mr Fayyis also mixes dangerous cocktail of religious and racial differences in proposing the basis for his suggestion for his idea. He tries to suggest Waaqaa religion will counter Judaism and Orthodox Christianity. Waaqaa religion is the minority religion in Oromia itself let alone Ethiopia. The Oromo people are by and large followers of the two main religions of Christianity and Islam, in almost estimated equal proportion. He stated that these two religions are being liberalised by the Cushitic influence. Mr Fayyis says nothing about the Semitic version of these religions. Are they not liberal too?

In the past Mr Fayyis had forcefully argued that globalization has changed our world and no need for talking about differences. Therefore, I do not think we can take him seriously at all.

What is amazing is that Mr Fayyis claims the Abyssinian position is antithesis. However, his position is rather antithesis to the Oromo position. The Oromo rightfully lay claim to Oromia. Fayyis claims not only the whole of Ethiopia but Sudan, Egypt and Kenya. Totally absurd concept. His proposal is simply so far fetched and impractical not worthy of spending time on discussing.

Mr Fayyis Oromia’s article is difficult to follow. It is all over the place. On the one hand he suggests that the struggle should be two against one. Well, it has been two against one so far. The two Sematic speaking Tigre and Amhara against the one Cushitic speaking Oromo. He fails to understand that the former two have successfully already Semitized Ethiopia over the past 150 year. Mr Fayyis suggests that the combination of Oromo and Amhara will Cushitize Ethiopia. He did not say if he considers anyone out of power automatically turns to be Cushitic. The two Sematic speaking will benefit forming alliance rather than allowing themselves being split by the Cushitic speaking Oromo, wouldn’t they?

Like Mr. Fayyis Oromia appear to think Cushitic centric history is truth his Abyssinian counter parts also unshakably believe what he calls myth as historical and religious facts. He asserts “…getting rid of the myths like the rhetoric about the Solomonic dynasty and the fiction about ‘Ze Negede-Yihuda’ …” will be a solution. An impossible task. At any rate no business of the Oromo. People should respect the culture and history of others, be it fact or fiction, unless you are a racist.

The incontrovertible historical fact is that a country called Oromia was annexed by another country called Abyssinia. This has nothing to do with Semitization or Cushitization. The Oromo struggle is a national liberation struggle to regain the lost sovereignty of Oromia. Any self-respecting Oromo will respect people with Semitic heritage as well as those with Cushitic heritage equally.

I would like to think Mr Fayyis Oromia’s views are his. I am equally curious if the Asmara Group (A.K.A Shanee, the Daawud Ibsaa Group) will now be going to talk about re-Cushitization for the next decade. I pray not.

Have your say.

A response to Urjii.Info editor’s response

2010-11-13T12:02:00.004-05:00

Dear Urjii.info editor,

I want to thank you for taking the time to reply (“Read Here”) to my request. However, I will say that I am disappointed.

As a news paper, on-line or otherwise, you become neutral and independent by providing all ideas equal opportunity to be aired – NOT by editing someone else’s opinion or comment to make it sound “neutral”. If that is what you believe to be Neutrality, you have not learned the first thing about neutrality and independence in publication.

First, your attempt at using “put[ting] words into the mouth of others”— especially when those words are written down — is a feeble defense at best. In whose mouth any way? In the writer’s or in the reader’s mouth? This was not an interview you conducted with the writer for crying out loud! How does the issue of “put[ting] words into the mouth of others” arise in this case?

In any case, if you “cannot put words into the mouth of others” what gives you the right to take “The Case for a Sovereign & Independent Oromia” out of the writer’s mouth and put “Oromia: Would Sovereignty be the only Way Out?” in his mouth?

May I ask that you practice what you preach and remove the words you put in the writer’s mouth?

Secondly, as anyone who has taken introductory journalism course would tell you, neutrality CAN arise in this case for ONLY one purpose – for the purpose of hiding behind it. They would also tell you that there is ONE important reason why Neutrality CANNOT serve as a defense in this case. That is because the article is not a news report, nor is it your editorial article, but an article expressing the opinion of someone unaffiliated with Urjii online. That, I believe, is why you actually posted it in the “Opinions/Comments” section of your web site. For your information, the appropriate issue that can arise in this case is Attribution, not Neutrality. In other words, all you had to do was identify the source and attach a disclaimer.

I urge you to go back and read your own editorial policy which you posted on your web site and let your readers, and mine, know which of your policies justfied your action in this case. In fact, by changing the title of the said article you violated your own rules, again. You distorted the tone of the piece.

Here is a 101 in journalism for you: As a news paper, on-line or otherwise, you become neutral and independent by providing all ideas equal opportunity to be aired – NOT by editing someone else’s opinion or comment to make it sound “neutral”. If that is what you believe to be Neutrality, you have not learned the first thing about neutrality and independence in publication.

You have violated your own rule of not “put[ting] words into the mouth of others”. You have disregarded the above standards of journalism. By so doing, you have put your credibility as a serious newspaper on the line. I urge you to do the right thing and protect your most important asset – your credibility.

In your response to my open letter, you also talked about Urjii’s position on Sovereignty & Independence of Oromia. This was uncalled for but appreciated. Besides recognizing and accepting the Oromo people’s right to determine their fate, Urjii has NO STAND or postion on whether the Oromo should work to realize a Sovereign & Independent Oromia or to democratize the dying Ethiopian empire. This is no surprise to me because even political organizations like that of Obbo Dawud Ibsaa (A.K.A Shanee) have that same stand on this issue. To share that view with Shanee is Urjii’s right and Oromo Affairs respects it.

However, unlike Urjii and Shanee, Oromo Affairs is NOT neutral when it comes to Sovereignty & Independence Oromia. Besides recognizing the Oromo people’s right to determine their fate, Oromo Affairs advocates for a Sovereign & Independent Oromia.

Urjii is expected to respect Oromo Affairs’ position on this issue and refrain from doctoring articles it publishes in advocacy of its views.

Urjii editor(s) are once again urged to do the right thing and restore the title of the article to “The Case for a Sovereign & Independent Oromia”.

Thanks.

Argan Beekan
Oromo Affairs Blogger

Have your say!
.

Urjii.info editor’s response to Oromo Affair’s Open letter

2010-11-13T11:40:00.001-05:00

November 10, 2010 at 2:47 pm
TO: Obbo/Aadde Argan Beekan
FROM: The Editor

Dear Obbo/Aadde Argan Beekan,

Thank you for your honest and friendly reaction. To begin with, it is only the title of your article that was “touched”. The content of your article, which we presume is very important to you, remained intact.

The reason why we edited the title of your article is, as an independent publication that always attempts to remain neutral and professional, we cannot put words into the mouth of others. Besides, we strongly believe that such choices are up to the Oromo People only; and nobody, not an individual or a group of individuals, not even the political organizations who claim to have been fighting for the independence of the Oromo People could make such choices on behalf of the Oromos. URJII believes that the only thing that we and others like us, and even those political organizations, could do is working on facilitating situations and political environments in which Oromos could make collective decisions for example in the form of referendum. And, we hope, such articles as that of yours would help Oromo brothers and sisters learn more about their political questions and make conscientious choice when the time comes.

Finally, we would like to remind you that it is a part of URJII’s editorial policy to make necessary editing to articles and the like.

Thank you for your understanding; and we apologize that we didn’t respond soon.

Have your say!

Open Letter to Editor(s) of Urjii.Info

2010-10-13T05:19:00.002-04:00

Dear fellow Urjii editor(s),

Having sent you a personal e-mail message and waited for two weeks for your reply to no avail; and having posted my request as a comment on your web site which you chose to remove, I am forced to write this open letter in the hope that you will consider my request.

First, many thanks for posting on your web site the article “The Case for a Sovereign & Independent Oromia” written for my blog. It is very much appreciated.

However, I was wondering why you chose to change the title from “The Case for a Sovereign & Independent Oromia” to “Oromia: Would Sovereignty be the only Way Out?”

As an editor, you should know that first impressions matter and the title of an article is the reader’s first impression of the content of the piece. It is also what sets the tone of the piece for the reader. It is not an exaggeration to say that the title of an article is just as important as the information you put into its body.

As you can see from the content of the article, the writer is advocating for a sovereign and independent Oromia. He is NOT asking whether sovereignty would be the only way or not! The writer and Oromo Affairs are willing to listen to other options advocated by others but they write and publish in support or defense of the sovereignty & independence option for Oromia. Those who are not sure which option they prefer are free to write posing that question.

As a fellow editor, I respectfully ask that you change the title back to “The Case for a Sovereign & Independent Oromia.”

Please note that a core editorial value is commitment to accuracy which is fundamental to your reputation.

Sincerely,

Argan Beekan

The Case for a Sovereign & Independent Oromia

2010-09-26T20:37:00.009-04:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

Background

Oromia is one of the richest in natural resources in the world. There is a huge potential in energy supply from its rivers and natural gas reserves. Billions of dollars worth of minerals is being exploited. Laga Dambi, southern Oromia, alone produces 5,000kg gold/year. The rivers, hydroelectric power, lakes, farmlands and forests of Oromia can improve the economic development of the entire Horn of Africa. The Oromo population, estimated to be 40 million, one of the fastest growing populations in the world, has huge potential for economic development.

Nearly 90% of Ethiopia’s hard currency earning comes from agricultural and mining sectors of the state of Oromia. According to official statistics from the Ethiopian Trade and Industry Ministry, last year (2009) alone, export of coffee raised $288.8 million, gold $282 million, and jimaa/khat/ $194.74 million in hard currency for the Ethiopian regime. Sheik Mohammed Hussein Ali Al-Amoudi’s Midroc Gold exported 5,000kg of gold, has pocketed $160 million.

The gold price has increased five-fold over the past 10 years, reaching a record high of $1,300 US an ounce ($41,686/kg) for the first time in September 2010. The latest rise was sparked by caution over global economy, as well as weakness in the US dollar. The precious metal has always been a stabilizer of world economy as a safe currency but also a reserve against which all the governments around the world hold bonds and the value of their currency. The Ethiopian state is the most secretive regime and subsequently it is impossible to find out the true gold trade figure. It can, however, be safely estimated that the truth is much higher than the official figure. For example, there is a daily chartered plane flight, exclusively ferrying Oromo gold, from Finfinne to the international London Bullion gold market, uninterrupted since the time of Haile Selassie.

Oromia’s livestock population is one of the largest in Africa. Livestock export accounts for about 10% of Ethiopia’s export income.

Furthermore, Meles and co. are busy making billions of dollars from illegal Oromo farmland sale since the global scramble for farmland began in 2008. Driven from their farms, the Oromo have to farm for the foreign investors, and it is in the “wealthy” Oromia that the highest human and natural price is being paid, by the indigenous Oromo people, through toil and blood, poverty, acute starvation and Ethiopian state-terrorism, thanks to alien rule and lack of independent state.

The entire economy of Oromia is controlled by the Endowment Fund for Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), conglomerate of 13 different “private limited” companies, exclusively owned by the central committee of the TPLF. Some estimate that EFFORT controls half of the Ethiopian economy. The author actually thinks they control nearly the whole of the Ethiopian economy as well as aid money. Everything is for Tigray and the Tigreans do not seem to care to understand its implication for the future. The Tigray ruling class seem to feel they deserve it since they fought for it and Oromia is their colonial territory to be exploited to the maximum and sold to the highest bidder. However difficult it may be to believe, the TPLF even takes top soil from fertile lands of Oromia and transplant it, by truckloads, to Tigray and creating new farming fields.

In the meanwhile, Oromia is creaking under the heavy burden of neo-colonialism superimposed on classic colonization. The status quo is not sustainable any longer. It is simply not acceptable. Most of all, there is a serious pressing concern for the ecosystem of Oromia.

On the other hand, realization of an independent Oromia is within the grasp of the current generation. It requires the small matter of putting our own house in order first – unite under a strong leadership that believes in independent Oromia and we can shorten our people’s suffering.

The Oromo must stand together and defend what we have won so far and march forward to consolidate the final victory by claiming what is rightfully ours. It is a must that we consider an end game to the century old struggle as the enemy is contemplating the ‘final solution’.

A people sharing a common geographical space, history, language and culture is a common definition of what we normally think as a nation. In these aspects Oromia clearly qualifies with its established boundaries, language and shared history for thousands of years, above all by a shared sense of national identity.

Far from killing national aspiration for independence of nations, as some argued few years back, globalization has led to increased demand for protection by nations. After the recent credit crisis nations have become not only powerful in taming globalization but also the only way forward in preventing global economic meltdown.

A great majority of the Oromo populous support independence. It is the preferred option and declared position by the OLF. The first stage of our struggle, the re-establishment of our national identity has already been accomplished through immense sacrifice. The second phase is the struggle for the formation of an independent state of Oromia with co-operative outlook to the rest of the globalized world. To this end, the following are advantages of independent Oromia.

Liberated Oromia

“For an Oromo worthy of the name, there is one and only one way to dignity, security, liberty and freedom. That single and sure way is to hold common front against his oppressors and their instruments of subjugation. In this, s/he is ready and willing to join hands in spirit of brotherhood, equality, and mutual respect, with oppressed nationalities and all persons and institutions of good will, s/he is equally ready and prepared to pay any sacrifice and oppose any person or groups that in any way hinder her/his mission for liberation from all forms of oppression and subjugation. An Oromo has no empire to build but a mission to break an imperial yoke, and that makes this mission sacred and his sacrifices never too dear.” (The Oromo: Voice Against Tyranny, 1971:23). This declaration is four decades old. It is even more relevant today than when it was written. It is a mission yet to be accomplished. No doubt, accomplished it will be.

The Oromo people lost more than their land. They are robbed of their souls and declaration of independent Republic of Oromia will be the only befitting way of the realization of liberation from all forms of operation and subjugation. Imagine the euphoria that will be felt when we raise our flag over Maskel Square, in the heart of Finfinne.

When people have lived under total subjugation, as the Oromo people have been subjected to, the word liberation takes totally different meaning altogether. Liberation means something more than what words can describe in this situation. Liberation of Oromia will mean freeing a beautiful people and land from the worst ugly colonization mankind has ever seen. It will not only mean setting free the people physically but liberating Ayyaana Oromoo/the Oromo spirit/ – setting the land and the spirit of the people free.

Liberation after a total humiliation and collective trauma will set free the people mentally as well as physically and will release a tremendous positive energy, creativity and self-belief much needed to be harnessed to transform the society for good. For a dehumanized and demonized people, only total liberation and independence will be the way to regaining dignity, security and liberty. Once they have gained their independence, it will be up to them as to what they will do with their freedom. They will collectively decide to determine their future and the future of the coming generations through the system they replace the old order with. The author is confident that liberated Oromia will make the right decision.

Safer Oromia

The primary purpose of an independent sovereign state is to safeguard the security of its people. The Oromo experience, over the past one century, has been nothing but a collective trauma of lack of security. An independent state of Oromia will be the surest way of ensuring the collective security of its people. Living in a safe country, where people can live in peace and are able to bring up their children, is a basic human need. The alternative, continuing to sustain the forced unity of Oromia and Ethiopia, is recipe for disaster. You cannot expect safety from a system that is inflicting the trauma in the first place.

The Abyssinians and their overseas supporters, it seems, from their strategic point of view, at least for the time being, have chosen to ignore the plight of Oromia. Becoming an independent country will save the Oromos from torture, harassment, imprisonment, exile, extra-judiciary killings, famine, and poverty and above all from becoming victims of genocide.

After so many wars – Anole, Calanqo, Raya, Bale, and the ongoing war of independence led by the OLF for the past 35 years – hundreds of thousands of lives have been lost in the resistance not to speak of the incalculable damage to Oromia’s natural resources. The Oromo must reinstate free and democratic Oromia to ensure total freedom from fear of being attacked for your identity - not only for Oromos but for anyone who chooses to live in Oromia,

Sustaining Ethiopia will always be a high risk strategy for Oromia. Ethiopia will inevitablly be a failed state in a not too distant future. Declaration of independent Oromia will be the safest option in order to create stable governance for the Oromo nation as well as stabilizing the whole region. If we attempt to patch up some sort of agreement with the Abyssinians before the sovereignty and independence of Oromia is a reality, you will quickly be back to where you started as we witnessed it in 1992. Oromia has to stand on its own as a sovereign and independent nation before any agreement with Abyssinians can be entertained.

Wealthier Oromia

That the empire heavily depends on Oromia’s wealth does not justify the current situation or any future economic ties between Oromia and Ethiopia. Over the past one hundred years, especially the last 2 decades, it has become abundantly clear that the enemy is well prepared to destroy us, through war, manmade famine, and severe economic exploitation. Even if Ethiopia became a fledgling democracy, by some unique miracle, from economic point of view, the Oromo would still be much more prosperous by going it alone.

The greatest enemy of development opportunity in Oromia is Ethiopia/Abyssinia/. As long as the Ethiopian system exists, the Abyssinians will be supported by the West. Love it or loath it, the Western powers recognize only Abyssinia as Ethiopia. For them Oromia is there just to be blundered and exploited. The evidence for this was clearly demonstrated when the Americans conspired with the TPLF in 1991-92, after the fall of the military regime, and subverted a golden opportunity for the Ethiopian empire to end peacefully or set itself on another course of history.

Would independent Oromia dissolve Ethiopia? It is unclear whether an independent Oromia would simply make Ethiopia smaller or terminate its existence altogether. The author’s best guess would be that Oromia and Ethiopia will live side by side as respectful and good neighbors. Both would greatly benefit from the peace, stability and economic co-operation as the byproduct of being good neighbors. Both become wealthier separately than they would ever be together. The reasons why unity would mean poverty are obvious for all to see. With the above mentioned wealth and natural resources of Oromia and other parts of the empire, Ethiopia is one the poorest African countries who top the list of world poverty ranking. The majority of the population lives below poverty line. This is not for lack of resources but because of the colonial relationship between the Abyssinians (the colonialists) and the other nations and nationalities in the empire including Oromia. This relationship is one of exploitation and subjugation which the colonized are justifiably resisting by any means necessary including wars of liberation. The result has been state sponsored terrorism by the colonizer and resistance by the colonized which creates instability in the region even beyond the empire’s borders. It is universally accepted that there is no worse enemy of development and economic progress than instability. A de-colonized Oromia, separate from Ethiopia/Abyssinia/, will contribute immensely towards peace and stability in the region thereby making development and economic progress in the region possible.

Today, there are about 13 million acutely starved people in Ethiopia totally reliant on food aid, whereas the Ethiopian regime has sold 3 million hectares of fertile farmland since 2008. The irresponsible land sale policy of Ethiopia has not only created a famine of huge proportion but also a total environmental disaster. Notwithstanding this, adding insult to injury, the West has appointed Meles Zenawi, unashamedly, an African spokesperson on the environment. So, there you have it.

Greener Oromia

Talking about the environment, the Oromo are green through and through. They plant trees. They respect nature. The Oromo believe that ‘nagaa’/peace/ must be maintained not only between God and man but also between man and nature. When the Abyssinians have been busy cutting down trees and destroying their environment over the past one hundred years, the Oromo have maintained a perfect harmony between nature and man.

The Oromo have customary and legislative Gada laws that govern land use. They allocate pastoral land, farm land, forests for bee farming, and forests for wildlife and building materials. The Oromo way of farming and land use is scientific. Practices such as crop rotation and using natural fertilizers are common. Oromia is the most bio-diverse country on earth. The Oromo farm several unique species of crops and plants. They introduced coffee and jimaa/khat/ to the world for example.

The Tigrean ruling class (TPLF) think that the beautifully balanced land use practiced by the Oromo is just God’s blessing. Not so. The beautiful countryside, is not by chance but a systematic advanced land use tradition and resource allocation that the Oromo have perfected through several generations.

The Tigrean ruling class are the worst enemy of the environment compared to their Amhara counterparts. Between 1990 and 2005, Oromia lost 14% of its forest cover or 2.1 million hectares. Change in deforestation rate since the 1990s has increased by 10.4% according Mongabay.com, a charity considered a leading source of information on tropical forests by some of the world’s top ecologists and conservationists. What has been happening to the remaining forest in Oromia since extensive land lease began in 2008 is anybody’s guess.

Millions of hectares of Oromo land are under the cover of greenhouse for the purpose of cut flower farming. Punjab farmers are flocking to Oromia in their droves. China, India, Arab states etc. are taking the lion share of Oromia as we speak. There is no consideration for the environment. The Tigrean ruling calss behave like robbers who ransack a building after taking any item considered valuable.

Independent Oromia will have to work hard to rescue the environment. The combination of nationalism and Oromo wisdom about the care of the environment will offer Oromia the only chance of becoming green again. This is possible only in Sovereign and independent Oromia.

Democratic Oromia

Democracy is a culture of attitudes, expectations and norms which takes time and effort to take root. When one makes such a statement in reference to democratizing the Ethiopian empire, it is important to understand that one is speaking of the Abyssinians, not the Oromo. The Oromo have developed such a complex democratic system of political governance called “Gadaa” through hundreds of years of practice. Independent Oromia will benefit greatly from its proud heritage of democracy. There will be no difficulty in reviving Gada. It still exists and is functional in many regions of Oromia. Thus, Oromia will not waste time training or learning the values of democracy.

On the other hand, the concept of democracy is new to Abyssinians not to speak of its practice. It would take at least another hundred years for it to take root in their society. For Oromos to attempt to democratize Ethiopia is tantamount to another hundred years of subjugation and instability for the region including for Abyssinians which is not in their best interest. Having a deeply rooted culture and own democratic institution of Gada is a huge advantage for Oromia. To combine Oromia with Ethiopia and endeavor to democratize it will be a formidable task. Creating nationalism and identity is a condition sin qua non for establishing a democratic system acceptable to the great majority of the subjects of a territory. Forming a single Ethiopian nationalism and identity would be a never ending project. Subsequently, creating democratic Ethiopia remains a long slog, which may take several hundred years, if not impossible.

There is no known agreed upon form of democracy that will practically be applicable to Ethiopia. It will be costly and may yet be unachievable. The Oromo have tried and failed to democratize Ethiopia for more than a century albeit from a non dominant position. Ethiopia is an empire and it will never democratize. It will eventually surely disintegrate; the question is how - big bang or slowly.

Look at the supports and opponents of Meles Zenawi and his regime. Just for the record, there were three groups out there. The Tigreans naturally support him because they are not only free but now own a vast empire at their disposal. The Tigreans are jubilant and euphoric. The rest are tearful hugging pictures of massacred relatives and national heroines. The Amahra oppose him because they lost the empire to the Tigreans. The Oromo and other southerners oppose him because he enslaved them [WATCH HERE]. How can you create uniting nationalism and identity for these diametrically opposing groups and interests?

Finally, whether you are for or against an independent Oromia, or maybe not entirely convinced either way, the author will be keen to see a mature informed debate instead of name calling and the usual technique used by some to dodge the issue by focusing on few lines rather than the topic in its entirety.

Have your say!

Berhanu Nega’s “Identity Politics and the struggle for liberty and democracy in Ethiopia”: a fresh thinking or re-articulation of hegemonic discourse?

2010-09-24T07:27:00.004-04:00

By: D. Bultuma*

Introduction

As an Oromo with interest in issues pertaining to both Oromo and Ethiopia, I followed the controversy or inter-Oromo debate revolving around Dr. Berhanu's invitation to Oromo of Studies Association (OSA) conference of 2010. I have also read the paper he presented at the meeting under the title of “Identity Politics and the struggle for liberty and democracy in Ethiopia” ** posted and available on many websites.

I am for academic freedom on the one hand but, at the same time, share the concerns expressed by some Oromos, posted by Oromo affairs in particular, about the dismissive and ethnocentric comments made by Dr. Berhanu on Oromo nationalism and aspirations which he reduced to “hatreds”. This is a typical attitude of centralist elites who tend to be allergic to identity based nationalism and the grievances of subordinated people whose experience and perception of “Real Ethiopia” contradict with their views of "Mythical Ethiopia". Nothing was academic or scholarly in they way Dr. Berhanu characterized Oromo frustration perhaps for the consumption of his social/electoral base. Dr. Berhanu found himself in prison for wrong reasons but he found ways to blame the victims who also happened to be in jail for wrong reasons. In his judgment, Dr. Berhanu did not realize that Oromo's century old grievance narratives are as legitimate as his grievance narratives against EPDRF. Incidentally, those who denied or minimized ethnic oppression in Ethiopia can see now how it feels being dominated and alienated by another ethnonational group.

The president of OSA, who tried to justify the invitation of Dr. Berhanu missed the opportunity either to withdraw the invitation or, at very least, to ask him for a clarification on his comments. Yet, it’s not sufficient to judge Dr. Berhanu’s thoughts based on a video clip or a paragraph from his book and I was curious to see the paper as I never had a chance to read any of his writings. Is he really different from other imperial ideologists/centralists? Is there something new in his insights or just a charm offensive to sell old ideas presented under the cover of a scholarly discourse? After reading the paper, I got a partial response to these questions, and the following comments reflect my understanding and perspective on the issue which may be shared by the silent majority (Oromos). First, I will frame the debate in the context of Oromo politics and then focus on the paper devoted to identity politics in Ethiopia.

Part I: Contextualizing the debate

I believe that the paper of Dr. Berhanu is hybrid with both academic and political thrust. While he tried to inject some scholarly insights on the issue of identity, democracy and liberty, his understanding of the root causes of Ethiopia’s century problems is not that different from the conventional view held by the centralists, the Amhara, and he does not offer workable and lasting solutions to century's old problem. He essentially puts blames on the current Tigrean rule and ethnic politics, the major concerns of his socio-political constituent although some of this is now shared by others. It goes without saying that their target is not the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state, not the "fact of conquest", neither is it the convoluted nature of centre-periphery relations but the wrongs of the EPDRF. His views and solutions to Ethiopia's ills better appeal to the former dominant group who are disillusioned and frustrated by loss of power and prestige and see the world upside down since 1991. The dilemma of the Amhara was summarized by one of the leading Ethiopianists in the following terms:

"Amharas faced the converse problem: whereas they had been accustomed to regard being Amhara as virtually coterminous with being Ethiopian, it was now no more than a constituent identity within a larger state, in which they enjoyed neither political power (which rested largely with Tigreans) nor numerical predominance (which fell to the Oromo) and in addition inhabited one of the poorest, and least developed and most environmentally degraded parts of the national territory… "(Calpham: 2002).

In the face of their failure to remove the Woyane regime through several pseudo elections which have been organized to ensure TPLF victory and armed struggle for which they are not ready, some of the centralist parties are turning to the OLF, which has also failed to deliver on its own objectives. It is true that many Oromo themselves are critical of OLF, its weakness/divisions and underachievement in political and military realms despite its huge popularity and a wide socioeconomic base rare in the history of ethno-national liberation movements. It may be 'inept' but it is the symbol of Oromo identity and embodies their aspiration. That is why both centralist and the Woyyane hate it to death and its crisis and endless factionalism are the most welcome news. Some rag tag commentators, including some Oromos with ideological ties with neo-imperial elites, have declared the "death of OLF". It is not surprising to see some groups launching a sort of razzia over an organization which appears in disarray. They need the Oromo votes, OLF's social base and bastion, in case of electoral democracy or foot soldiers for an eventual armed struggle. Their hope of returning to power is unlikely without the help of "others" - in this case the Oromo.

People like Dr. Berhanu are conscious of the fact that even their claim of victory in 2005 elections is just virtual or hypothetical and the unpopularity of the EPDRF does not mean they won or would win genuine polls. In order to win open and competitive elections, you must get enough support in Oromia regardless of the electoral system. Otherwise, the numbers do not add up. In 2005, they only got 6% of the votes in Oromia according to independent sources. There is no surprise if they scramble to reach out to OLF to fill the gap without realizing that is not an easy task even if they bring all OSA members and disgruntled leadership of the OLF on board. In fact, some Oromo have been bombarding us with redundant terms such "self-marginalization" and "self exclusion" to justify the invitation of Dr. Berhanu, and several others like him, but they did not tell us in what and how such initiatives release the Oromo nation from the so-called "isolation"/"self-marginalization"?

On the other hand, the Oromo are anxious and have strong desire to remove the Weyane from power. But, they are not desperate to the point where they would be willing to contribute, even indirectly, to the restoration of Amhara power for another century. In effect, no guarantee that CUD and its allies, with unproven democratic credentials but imperial mindset, will organize free and fair elections and hand over the power to winners - that never happened in a long Ethiopian history. They may even come back with a sense of revanchism where they will rollback modest concessions made under the Darg and the current regime - the most nostalgic elements may dream of the possibility of going back to status quo ante (pre 1974). Moreover, the experience of “third wave democracy” in many developing nations has shown electoral democracy gives rise to illiberal and undemocratic regimes whose power is legitimized thorough procedural elections. Given Ethiopian political culture and the failed democratic transition under TPLF/EPDRF, one cannot be optimistic about the triumph of justice, liberty, democracy and the rule of law in a situation where power is good for its own sake and the focal point.

Needless to say that Oromo did not have power both under the Amhara dominated state (1889-1991) and the Tigrean version of a reconfigured imperial state (1991- ) - they continue to be powerless. They do not have any reason to think that yesterday was better than today and they would be better off should they return to the past (Amhara's Ethiopia). They deeply resent the status quo and are hopeful that tomorrow will be brighter. In other words, the historical and political grievances of the Oromo people did not start two decades ago but goes back to more than hundred years ago. The central issue and concern for the Oromo is not only how to oust EPDRF/TPLF from power, under which they continue to be oppressed and alienated, but also how to end all forms of domination and colonial type socio-economic relations once and for all. Whether or not that can be realized within Ethiopia or outside Ethiopia proper is a great inter-Oromo debate.

For Dr. Berhanu and his allies the major preoccupation is the current regime. On the contrary, for the Oromo the problem is the Ethiopian state itself which both Tigreans and Amhara co-own and on which they fight at times. In the face of this contradictory aspirations and goals, an alliance/coalition between a liberation movement, the OLF, and political organizations which appear to embody imperial legitimacy/ideology and the past is an anomaly, unnatural and infeasible. Even if you follow Machiavelli's thinking/wisdom that politics is amoral and there no morality in politics, one must be convinced that the end justifies the means: power and interest. The Oromo do not have anything to gain by allying with CUD and its offshoot parties except discrediting and burying the OLF altogether and, eventually, breaking Oromo unity.

Ideally, people are expected to learn from history, but they rarely do. The failure of Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD) should have been enough to suggest that this unholy alliance cannot serve a great purpose. I know some people try to make the case for this alliance – some of them even appear to be genuine in this thinking that the alliance between the Oromo and Amhara is the only way to bring about change. If that is the case, the best thing to do is to join Dr. Merera Gudina who got that idea first and strives for the same goal instead of dragging OLF into this hodgepodge alliance which will never be understood and recognized by the majority of the Oromo people even if it is endorsed by OSA.

As stated above, despite its shortcomings and political/strategic mistakes in its history of more than three decades, the OLF is and remains a pan-Oromo movement embodying a set of values and aspirations. It still symbolizes Oromo unity and nationhood. Their alliance with CUD and affiliated political groups may well signal the end of its tumultuous journey, although it does not signify the end of Oromo nationalism, and the rationales of its raison d'être. It will no longer be a liberation movement and neither will it be a representative of all Oromo. The belief that OLF is an organization created and led by Oromos and, as such, embodies the inner voice of the people will end as well. Does it really make sense to ally with neo-imperial organizations after more than three decades of struggle and suffering for the Oromo, its members and leaders? Is it the promised "Imagined Community..."?

Part II: Critical commentary

To understand Dr. Berhanu's series of arguments, one has to start with his thesis in this paper:

“I will argue in particular that the prevalence of identity politics partly as a remnant of the socialist discourse of the 1960s student politics in Ethiopia, the inability of political regimes to effectively address the demands for political inclusion by various ethnic groups, combined with the failure of the democratic opposition to effectively articulate the legitimate concerns of ethnic communities within the larger context of liberal democratic politics has enabled the current regime to effectively divide and weaken the democratic opposition in Ethiopia”

Here, Dr. Berhanu omits or ignores a very simple fact that Ethiopia is an empire, where one of the constituent groups dominates, the Amhara and Tigreans have alternated the exercise of power although he would prefer to highlight the Tigrean oppression. Above all, he reduces the national question in Ethiopia and the demand for self determination, respect/recognition and autonomy to “ethnic demands for inclusion”. Inclusion to what? You know the answer: he expects the sociological minority swallowing and assimilating the larger society to create a coherent nation-state! They were already forcibly included into the empire. Then there were attempts at assimilating and destroying identities, and this was presented as a mechanism of nation-building. All they are (Oromo) asking is now to decide their own destiny where they could be part of a free nation out of volition, not an empire, live with others with equality and mutual respect according to political contract/arrangement to b made, or in the state of their own. Dr. Berhanu seems to look at the politics of identity through the old lens of national integration and assimilation around and under a single core culture, not at the possibility of organizing distinct, and even sovereign, societies living together, sharing and cooperating under the new rules of game.

His analysis also gives the impression as though the politics of identity related to socialism. As far as I understand, identity politics is closely related to the post modernity and the consequent challenge to foundational knowledge. Socialism was not the origins of many conflicts either. It is related to the politics of difference and "otherness". Multi-ethnic or pluri-ethnic states and empires are susceptible to face identity based conflicts due to numerous economic, political, social and perceptual factors. The causes of ethnonationalism have extensively been studied by scholars (Tedd Gurr, 1993, Connor Walker 1994, etc.) and I do not have space to engage into esoteric academic debate about identity based ethnonational conflict.

Although Dr. Berhanu is right in underlying the extent to which the writings of students in 1960s were influenced by socialist principle on the national question, he seems to be out of his comfort zone when it comes to the understanding and analysis of ethnic based conflicts both theoretically and empirically. For instance, he confuses ethnic nationalism and socialism in his typology as if you can be ethno nationalist and socialist at the same time. But, the fact is that classical Marxism /socialism refuses to recognize different forms of identity: ethnicity, religious, gender in favor of class identity. Marxists only look at who own the means of production and who do not, and the consequent unequal power relations.

However, this Marxist doctrinaire did not prevent socialist countries to grapple with issues of nationalities/identities, but in the context of socialism and internationalism. Despite undemocratic nature of socialist solution to the question of nationalities, it was definitively an improvement on the politics of empire. No doubt that the Bolsheviks solutions to the questions of nationalities in Russia were more progressive than policies of the Tsarist regime. By the same token, the Darg’s stance on the question of nationalities was an improvement over Haile Selsasie in its early progressive reforms although I agree with those who believe that the revolution reinforced the power of the Amhara in the 1980s and their cultural hegemony more than ever before.

On the other hand, as opposed to what Dr. Berhanu claims in the paper, Darg nationalism was inseparable from Amhara nationalism which was presented as Ethiopian nationalism. The Darg got unqualified support to its many wars against nationalists fighting throughout the country. In this sense, Darg nationalism was the continuation of official /state nationalism; it fought to protect Menelik’s empire. It inherited the Eritrean war from Emperor Haile Sellasie, but was not willing to make any compromise with Eritrean nationalists and other emerging rebels (Tigrean, Oromo, Afar, Sidama, etc) that might have initially believed the progressive government at the hub of empire would end a century old national question. The major failure of the Darg was not only economic and gross abuse of human rights but its inability to understand and manage the national question due to the preponderance of Amhara influence and the primacy of "national unity and territorial integrity". Despite its perversion and manipulation for self-interest, EPDRF's ethnic federalism, its cultural side in particular, is a progress over the Darg.

In other words, the Darg, which annihilated all its opponents regardless of creed, religion, ethnicity and ideological orientation, became the custodian of official nationalism inherited from the emperors and the failure of Darg nationalism was, in a way, the failure of Amhara nationalism/patriotism, its definition of national identity, concept of statehood and nationhood. TPLF did not miss the opportunity to emphasize Amhara communal domination to justify its ethnic politics and under the cover of ethnic federalism. Even today, it can easily unleash "Naftagna return" propaganda to keep its grip on power. The misery of the past is used as a justification to perpetuate its dictatorial rule. The impact of the Ethiopia administration or internal colonialism was so deep, deeper than what Dr. Berhanu understands, any party allied with CUD and its affiliates cannot get audience and support among the majority Oromos. The OLF which awoke peasants, gave hope and contributed to the adoption of some important reforms during its short spell in the government in the early 1990s will have difficulty to convince anyone why it is allying with CUD and its ideological affiliates.
As an ally with the most conservative elements in the country, who even denied the existence of different people and identities in the country, Dr. Berhanu cannot convince us that his party has the right policy to address the issue of diversity and national question. He has a point in emphasizing the distrust between political forces in the country. How can it be otherwise? Unfortunately for him, it is not certain that his paper would help to create the missing trust. Also, as mentioned earlier, this short video clip mentioned showing his take on Oromo nationalism and frustration cannot help his image.

More importantly, I did not see any concrete proposal how his party wants to tackle the national question despite convincing analysis of the rhetoric of 1960s and 1970s. He set out to take examples from other nations who have the same problems and the way they addressed them. The paper falls short of achieving this goal. He referred to some books and discussions on identity politics. But he lacks, both theoretical framework and practical examples, how to address collective rights, group rights and individual rights in the context of an empire comprising of tens of nations and nationalities. Dr. Berhanu may have mentioned "political liberalism" and “democratic politics”. He did not tell us the meaning of liberalism and liberty and democratization in Ethiopia's social-economic settings. In Western Europe, political liberalism came out of enlightenment movement which gives the primacy of individual rights and collective freedoms. According to this, Polis (organized communities must be self governing), and it was this very idea that gave rise to nationalism and the principle of self-determination, which serves as the foundation of the international system. He spent a lot of time discussing Leninist version of self-determination but paid less or no attention to Liberal/Wilsonsian principle of self-determination and its variants in the contemporary world in general and in conflict prone multiethnic nations in particular.

He tended to avoid the use of the word self-determination as he may see the issue as that of inclusion. His central concerns, shared by his allies, are individual rights, not collective rights, even not group differentiated rights which could help to maintain both. It is important to stress that both collective rights and self determination are enshrined in the enlightenment agenda. As well, Dr. Berhanu made numerous references to "politicalliberalism" which does not mean much in the absence of liberal system and liberal values. Ethiopia did not adopt western type of liberalism; it went from feudal autocracy to modernizing autocracy, and then jumped to Afro-Marxist dictatorship to end up with a Tigrean oligarchy. The political culture of Ethiopia does not have supporting values of liberty, human rights and republicanism and compromise as well as social and political pluralism. Does electoral democracy, assuming there is one, address the competing identities and unequal power relations in the country based on conquest? What types of political arrangements need to be made? Surprisingly, in his lengthy discussion, Dr. Berhanu did not even mention "consociational democracy "; neither did he analyze the theory and practice of "group differentiated citizenship/rights", power sharing in multi ethnic societies, etc. He did not tell us how some nations have succeeded to maintain both collective/group rights and individual rights.

It is safe to say that he, like many centralist politicians, appears to dislike federalism and identity based federalism in particular. But, he did not talk about the ugly face of a centralized bureaucratic empire in the service of one ethnonational group. I personally prefer a decentralized state and any form of federalism (ethnic based, geographic based or the combination of both) can be better than a centralized ethnocratic state. That does not mean federal system is perfect; there may be some problems arising here and there but it is more suitable in the context of divided societies although statecraft is needed to conceive and implement them.

Finally, one can doubt the validity of his numerous typologies used in his paper. He knows more than anybody that typologies do not reflect empirical reality especially when it comes to political and ideological discourses. The use of typology may be good to teach but reduces a complex reality to incoherent assertions. The use of moderates and extremists in this typology makes little sense. Who are the extremists and moderates among the Oromo forces? What is the centre? He might have tried to flatter those receptive to his ideas as “moderates” and those who are opposed to a “rapprochement” of the Amhara/Oromo as extremists. By the way, where is his place in this label or where does he categorize himself? If there is extremism, he was allied with the most chauvinistic elements of the CUD and shared their core ideas and claimed “virtual victory". Where does he place some leaders of OLF who struggled for self-determination and a separate state and who may now agree with the idea of democratization? Does it mean they were extremists then and moderates now? People change or soften their positions for tactical and strategic reasons without necessarily renouncing their core principle.

Also, when it comes to OLF, I am not sure if it was (is) a socialist organization. As far I know OLF was not created with socialist/Marxist credo. And I do not know any influential Oromo leader who was officially communist although some might have read Marxist literature without necessarily endorsing it. Mr. Lencho Leta, one of the founders of the organization, said that they did not know much about Marxism. Even today, the division in OLF is not between the right wing and left wing or conservatives Vs progressives and it emanates from, even personal, strategic differences- the Oromo do not have ideological and religious extremists. Even those who uphold the principle of self-determination, OLF's original program, are not extremists.

Although Dr. Berhanu has tried to embellish his discussion with an apparent scientific approach, his perspective is old and does not have any workable policy framework. Dr. Berhanu qualifies Tigrean rule and hegemony as “tyranny”. But he forgot to employ the same term or equivalent expression for the Amhara rule in the preceding century. While he has sufficiently emphasized on grievances against the rule and misrule of the last two decades, he is almost silent on the experiences of peoples under what he calls "centralizing monarchy". This euphemism disguises or glosses over the imperial oppression which led us to the present situation; oppression, violence, abuses of basic fundamental human rights have not started with the Woyane's takeover in 1991 but they continue unabated under the current regime. The problem is that Dr. Berhanu is an aspiring politician and he may not need to provoke the wrath of his allies and socio political base. Thus, he is a partisan politician in the analysis of the complex reality and his perspective is Amhara centered despite his attempt to reach out to others: balanced/critical scholarship may not be compatible with political loyalty and vested interests.

I may add one quick note: I was surprised not to see any references to Oromo based scholarship and scholars in Dr. Berhanu’s paper. The Oromo scholars have been writing extensively on Ethiopia and Oromo as well as on issues related to the politics of identity. He did not mention any sources although he may not agree with their perspective on modern Ethiopia. Even if he disagrees, he could have mentioned where the disagreement resides in order to have a healthy debate on the question of identity and political problems and what can be done; this would have been an opportunity to learn about each other perspectives instead of lecturing the déjà vu discourse of centralists.

Finally, he invites the children of Gadaa people to join him for a "lofty purpose." As a matter fact, Gadaa’s republican, egalitarian and democratic ideals have nothing to do with what he is offering. Above all, he may not be aware of the fact that Gadaa was destroyed by Ethiopian autocracy and the Oromo may be under Gadaa, or re-adopt aspects of it, when they are free again or sufficiently autonomous, not under the tutelage of oppressive state and a fake electoral democracy perverted and manipulated by neo-patrimonial elites.

In brief, in this paper, Dr. Berhanu has tried to marry academic perspectives and praxis by expressing his views as a politician. In fact, this is a risky business and I am not sure if he succeeded in his "balancing act". While one commends any scholarly endeavor, I was not impressed with the way he interpreted historical facts; he is selective and partial, and this seems to have obfuscated his academic insights. His understanding of the root causes of Ethiopia's competing identities and crises and the way he wants to address them are not different from déjà vu neo-imperial and hegemonic panacea which led to the current situations. Thus, the paper cannot change a thing and I do not see any reason why the Oromo should ally or join forces with him and his party to advance their cause. Instead of wasting time and energy in search of this never ending, meaningless and unworkable alliance, the Oromo organizations need to work towards their own unity and reconciliation. Lest they forget, they have more in common than what divides them.

-------
*The author can be reached at: dbultuma@hotmail.com

** Paper prepared for the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) 24th Annual conference. Howard University, Blackburn Center, Washington DC, July 31st –August 1st 20102

-------

Have your say!

A Call for "After the Dust Settles"

2010-09-22T19:45:00.007-04:00

One of my readers writes:

"Dear Oromo Affairs blogger,

Thank you for all your articles and being one of the constant voices for the liberation of Oromia. Would you be kind enough to post for me the following appeal to Oromo community around the world?" Margituu Lataa

My pleasure. Here you go!

***********************************************************************

A Call for "After the Dust Settles"

In the last two weeks, a number of Oromo organization representatives, Oromo individuals and concerned global citizens have written letters to the President of Columbia University, in opposition to the invitation extended to Meles Zenawi. In spite of this justifiable outcry, Meles has spoken at Columbia and is gone away.

Is this the end of the story? I hope not! Are we going to congratulate ourselves by saying, “Ni gooneef mitii?” I take the incident as a blessing in disguise. Because of the invitation, and because of the protest letters written in opposition to the invitation, more true nature of Meles Zenawi has been put on the spot light. Many peace, freedom and justice-loving people have been given pools of information that is strong enough to put Meles on the same list as Milosevic of Serbia, Charles Taylor of Liberia and Al Basher of the Sudan, in the near future. Who knows, we might even send a “Thank You” letter, to President Lee C. Bollinger of Columbia University.

Having said that, I want to extend a call to Oromo nationals, and more specifically, the Oromo scholars and intellectuals, to join hands with Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) and help it get rid of the current sustainers of Ethiopian Colonialism, and deny anybody that might come after them any means of subjecting our people to endless atrocities. The LIBERATION OF OROMIA IS THE ONLY SOLUTION! Meles will go home in a few days and would defiantly continue with his genocidal policies against our people. Pleas stay on the fighting mood and do not “go home”. Continue writing and help the struggle to liberate Oromia, in every means possible.

Have your say!

Meles Zenawi is not a household name, but he is a despot

2010-09-21T11:04:00.005-04:00

"Meles Zenawi is not a household name, but he is a despot. His government has carried out numerous extrajudicial killings, imprisoned political dissidents, and brutally suppressed protests by activists at Addis Ababa University." Read the Columbia Spectator editorial

Best Practices for an aspiring tyrant
OSA protest letter
Peaceful protest by IOYA

An Independent Oromia is Inevitable

2010-09-08T11:46:00.005-04:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

Introduction

Oromia was forcefully annexed to a neighbouring country called Abyssinia at the end of the 19th century during the scramble for Africa. It was once an independent sovereign nation which has, since the annexation, been occupied by foreign powers and inevitably needs to regain its freedom.

Abyssinia itself is an artificial and rickety creation which later on changed its name officially to Ethiopia in 1948. It is important to distinguish Abyssinia proper (Tigray and Amhara) from the Ethiopia we have come to conceptualize today. There is no consensus on what really Ethiopia means. There are those who believe in the myth that has been perpetuated for the best part of the 20th century that Ethiopia is the oldest independent African nation. Others are much more in touch with reality and dismiss this, rightly so, and explain that Ethiopia has only existed for the past 130 years only. What went before the 1880s is no different from other contemporary African kingdoms. There were Oromo dynasties and others too. For example, the Warra Himanu and Yejjuu were powerful Oromo dynasties in the 18th and 19th century. Further back the Oromo dynasty is believed to have ruled over Egypt during the 12th Pharaonic dynasty. Therefore, there is no justification in selectively glorifying the Abyssinian past and attempt to present it as a unique existence when in actual fact it was just one of many.

The current discourse about the relationship between Oromia and Ethiopia is sharply divided between on the one hand, those who argue that the Oromo question is colonial in nature and hence subscribe to waging a classic war of independence, no matter for how long. On the other hand, there are those who argue that the past is history and we have to ignore it and pretend the Oromo question will disappear through time. The first group includes the OLF and other independent Oromo political organizations. The second group includes Abyssinian political organizations such as the TPLF, Qinijjit and Ginbot 7. But, the Oromo “problem”, one of the world’s oldest conflicts, is not about to go away without a significant change in the political landscape of the Ethiopian empire.

Be that as it may, there are times, when, after years of discrimination, an unquestionably oppressed ethnic group, fortuitously constituting an overwhelming demographic majority in a given region, becomes convinced of the utter futility of trying to extract any meaningful concessions from its overlords by peaceful means. At this point, some form of separation by force becomes unavoidable. Nowhere is this truer today than the Oromo condition.

Lesson from History

Prominent Oromo leaders and organizations have tried their best to extract concessions from Ethiopian powers through negotiations without avail. Gobana Dache was the first notable Oromo leader who attempted to make peace with the Abyssinians in the mid 1880s, right at the height of the conquest itself. He died in unknown circumstances. Garasuu Dhukkii, a hero who liberated almost half of Oromia from the Italian invaders, had 50,000 armed fighters under his command, negotiated with Haile Selassie on his return from exile from England at the end of the second world war. Having consolidated power Haile Selassie betrayed Garasu Dhukki. General Waqo Gutu, leader of United Oromo Peoples’ Liberation Front (UOPLF), and the first chairman of the United Liberation Forces of Oromia (ULFO), negotiated with Haile Selassie in 1970. The peace packt between General Waqoo Gutu and Haile Selassie was mediated by non other than Gereral Jagama Kello. Having betrayed General Waqo Gutu had to return to the mountains in 1975 and resumed struggle until he passed away in exile in 2002. During the Derge era certain Dr. Haile Fida, leader of a Marxist political organization known as Meison, negotiated with Mengistu Haile Mariam. But he also ended up losing his life.

More recently, the OLF had been involved in a number of negotiations with the TPLF. Talks between the OLF and TPLF began in 1990, a year before the fall of Derge, followed by the London Conference and the Transitional Charter in 1991. The OLF had to withdraw from the agreement as the TPLF fragrantly violated the terms of the negotiated agreements. The OLF is forced to seek solution through armed struggle. It must be noted that the OLF has been in the fields for the past 34 years since 1976.

The negotiations between the OLF and the TPLF continued for nearly a decade after the OLF left the Transitional Government in 1992. The Asmara Talks (1992), The Carter Centre Talks (1994), Peace Initiative by Congressional Task Force (1994-5), the unilateral offer by the Asmara Group wing of the OLF in 2000 through the so called “Agenda for Peace” are some examples. These efforts did nothing but proved, yet again, that one cannot achieve concessions from Ethiopia through peace talks. These negotiations were at best detractors and at worst source of conflict and division within the organization itself. Ironically there are some who still propose that the OLF can negotiate with the TPLF to bring about peaceful settlement between Oromia and Ethiopia. “Doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results is a form of insanity” (Albert Einstein).

On the issue of negotiations with the TPLF, “Just for the record, what happens to the immense violation of Oromo national pride and honor, the huge loss of Oromo lives, the horrendous destruction of the social fabric, the colossal pillage of resources? Are these non-issues in peace negotiations with the perpetrator?” asks Abiyu Galata, Harvard educated lawyer and one of the founding fathers of the OLF, in his paper presented to OSA (2002) challenging those who advocate for making peace with the TPLF on flimsy grounds.

Facts on The Ground

For anyone who makes the slightest effort to scratch below the surface there is a tremendous tension in Ethiopia. The tension is created by differential cruel treatment of the majority Oromo by a hegemonic despotic minority. This phenomenon is far from new. It is characteristically Ethiopian since its creation. In the past the Amhara hung onto power through similar distractive techniques. Now, the Tigreans are doing the same. Nevertheless, there a striking difference in the sense that the former was 20th century and now we are in the 21st century.

Technology has transformed the world we live in. Today you can hide nothing. Washington DC and Gadaa Dissii are interconnected. Grandparents not only fly between Finfinne and Washington, London and Minneapolis but also use mobile phones to speak to their children and grandchildren in the diaspora. Young Oromo artists use YouTube to spread the message of ‘bilisumma’/liberation/. Watch HERE. And HERE. There are some who even aspire to revive the Gada ceremony in the Oromo diaspora communities around the globe using the internet. It is naïve to think that you can control people under inhumane condition for long when people can see how the free world is enjoying unrestricted freedom and progress.

More importantly, the Oromo nation has awakened. The word ‘bilisummaa’ is uttered by everyone. “Free Oromia already exists in the minds of the people” as one prominent Oromo political leader described it recently. The OLF has not only become part of the Oromo collective consciousness but almost the DNA of the Oromo people. You cannot separate the Oromo people from the OLF. At the same time you cannot separate the OLF from independent Oromia, within or without. The minority Tigrean led regime is scared of anyone who appears to be self-confident Oromo. The TPLF regard the entire Oromo people as enemy and treat them as such.
The current Ethiopian rulers from Tigray have exposed the Oromo people to famine of epic proportion not to mention political and economic subjugation for the past two decades. Today, the regime is leasing away millions of hectares of fertile Oromo land to foreign investors when there are some estimated 8 million Oromos requiring feeding by donors due to starvation in the most fertile land on the planet. Something has horribly gone wrong here. Watch HERE. It is suspected that these Oromos are now suffering from acute food shortage as a direct consequence of dislocation from their ancestral lands where they proudly lived for many generations.

Democracy or Independence?

The question whether the Oromo should struggle for democracy or independence is naïve at best and foolish at worst. The first democratic right a colonized people demand is the right of self-determination to free them self from the yoke of colonization. There is no higher democratic right than liberating own country from tyrants and set free the nation from poverty. Democracy itself is a flawed system. It is, however, generally accepted as the best system around. Remember how Gorge W Bush was elected in the 2000 US election after the close-call between him and Al Gore? Swapping your struggle for freedom through declaration of independent state for search for freedom through democracy in Ethiopia is a stupid thing to do.

First, one has to struggle for independence and then worry about the system that best serves the new nation. The argument that one can replace fighting for independent Oromia for democratization of the Ethiopian empire is disingenuous. I fail to see where the two separate projects converge. The Oromo demand independent Oromia by rejecting Ethiopia. They reject Ethiopia not because it is undemocratic. They reject it because they are not Ethiopians. The Americans rejected being British subjects because Britain was not undemocratic but the Americans decided to be Americans. Eritrean rejected Ethiopia for not being Ethiopians. South Sudan rejects Khartoum not because of lack of democracy or not. It is a matter of identity.

Democracy is not a burden for the Oromo people anyway. Gada is deeply ingrained into the Oromo way of life. The Oromo people are respected for their tolerance and fair play even by the enemy’s standard. Oromia itself bears witness to this. One of the reasons why independence is so attractive to the Oromo is actually the country will have a great opportunity for peace and stability which are prerequisite for unlocking the immense potential the country has for success and prosperity. Thus, preaching democracy to the Oromo at this point not only untimely but ironical since they are practicing a near perfect democracy wherever they are able to protect their Gada system. Not many people are aware that the Oromo Gada system is perfectly functioning today albeit not at the centre.

In the first place one needs to understand that independence is a guarantee against foreign aggression, the type of violence that the Oromo endure at the present. The primary purpose of a sovereign state is to defend its people. Therefore, declaration of independence is the only sure solution for the Oromo people not to continue to suffer in the hands of others.

More over, Oromia is a potentially rich country. Independence is the best way to bring about the much needed economic development to overcome the century old underdevelopment due to Abyssinian rule and exploitation.

Conclusion

All sorts of nations are declaring their independence around us. Djibouti and Eritrea were part of the Ethiopian empire. Both became independent in our life time. Puntland State of Somalia, independent for the past 20 years, will soon get international recognition. South Sudan is more than likely to be independent after referendum in January 2011. These four countries are geographically connected to Oromia. The Oromo people are engaged in the same journey. No doubt Oromia will follow in their foot steps and become an independent country before the end of this new decade. I expect the Oromo will declare independence before the end the twenty teens. And that will only be a good thing.

Have your say!

"Bilisummaa" vs. "Walabummaa: The Great Debate

2010-08-29T21:34:00.012-04:00

I listened to Dr. Haile Hirpa’s, former(?) OSA president, interview in an Oromo Paltalk room as posted on Bilisummaa.com.

As expected, Haile Hirpa defended his action of inviting Berhanu Nega to present at OSA 2010. This much is expected and no surprise there. He talked about how Berhanu Nega, who said very little at the conference besides blaming “identity politics” for the empire’s maladies, is now a changed man. What is the evidence for Berhanu’s change of heart? “He said he was born in Bushoofttu, Oromia.” Amen!

Be that as it may, the subject of my posting for today is not OSA, nor Berhanu Nega. I have said my piece on those two and leave the judgment to my readers.

My subject for today is a factual error Haile Hirpa made in this interview. In this interview, he said something that I believe requires correction and he actually asked to be educated on the subject. I will let you hear it from the “horse’s mouth”, as the English say, a few lines down but let me translate and transcribe it for you.

Question to Haile Hirpa from a PalTalk participant: “You have repeatedly said in your speech that Oromo wants “bilisummaa” and nothing else. As we understand from the Oromo people, what they want is not “bilisummaa” only. … What we want is “walabummaa Oromiyaa ti.” An independent state of Oromia. … So when you say Oromos want “Bilisummaa”, do you mean the Oromo people can be free and live with in Ethiopia or you are substituting “bilisuummaa” for “Walabummaa”? …” (translation mine)

Dr. Haile Hirpa’s response: “The objective of the OLF that I know since 1973/74 is the same one it is sticking to today – regardless of the various difference existing among them today - which is “bilisummaa”. However, to transform this objective from “bilisummaa” to “walabummaa” [independence], those who lead the organization have to come together and establish [walabummaa] as OLF’s objective. [Walabummaa] has never been the objective of the OLF. But, I am willing to be educated on this. However, for as long as I have been part of this struggle and the OLF, the objective of the OLF is “bilisummaa”, nothing else. I think we can agree on this.” (translation mine)

Dr. Haile is correct in asking to be educated. It is also clear from his response that in his book "bilisummaa" does NOT include "walabummaa." What he asserted about the objective of the OLF is absolutely incorrect. For the founding fathers of the OLF, "bilisummaa" included "Walabummaa". Any other interpretation would be a revisionist interpretation.

Listen to Dr. Haile below. Then read part of the OLF political program (from 1973/74 and 1998) also below and you be the judge.

Listen to the Q & A

OLF political programs:

The 1973 OLF political program (VI. Programme for the Struggle, A. Political Objective) States:

“The fundamental objective of the struggle is the realization of national self-determination for the Oromo people and their liberation from oppression and exploitation in all their forms. This can only be realized through the successful consummation of the new democratic revolution by waging anti-feudal, ant-colonial, and ant- imperialist struggle, and by the establishment of the people's democratic republic of Oromia.”

The 1998 OLF constitution (Boqonnaa II, “Kaayyoo Masakaa”, Aangoo 1, “Bilisummaa Oromiyaa”) states:

“Hundeen kaayyoo keenyaa qabsoo farra impaayera Itoophiyaa, humnnoota farra mirga dhala namaa, dimookraasii fi nagaa oofuun fi sagantaa ABO fiixa baasuun, bilisummaa sabaa fi walabummaa Oromiyaa mirkaneessuu dha”

Roughly translated, it says, “Our objective is to ensure our people’s freedom and Oromia’s independence by realizing OLF’s program and waging struggle against the Ethiopian empire and anti human rights, anti democracy and anti peace forces." (Translation mine)

For anyone who has read these programs or constitutions, much less for members like Dr. Haile, it would be very difficult to miss that the OLF has always advocated for an independent state of Oromia. In fact, the two constitutions go on to talk about the future independent Oromia state’s defence, economic, health, international relations and other objectives. I urge Dr. Haile to read or re-read these documents.

To try and change the OLF political program is every member's right. However, a revisionist interpretation will not be a usefull route for the mere reason that the founding fathers were crystal clear in what they meant by "bilisummaa". I hope this is now clear to everyone, including Dr. Haile.

Have your say.

The Politics of Oromo National Identity: In need of paradigm shift?

2010-08-18T19:40:00.006-04:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

Identity

Identity has a strong connection with individual sense of self. In psychology, the self is often used for the set of attribute that a person attaches to himself or herself most firmly, the attributes that a person finds it difficult or impossible to imagine himself or herself without. One’s nationality is a prime example of one’s identity. The primacy or importance of national identity is another quality that affects its contribution to the perception of the self.

Developing a sense of self is an essential part of every individual becoming a mature person. Each person's self-conception is also collective - identities extend to countries and ethnic communities, so that people feel injured when other persons sharing their identity are injured or killed. Sometimes people are even willing to sacrifice their individual lives to preserve their identity group(s). Palestinian suicide bombers are a well-publicized example. People who share the same collective identity think of themselves as having common interest and fate.

In the case of subjugated people, identity political formations typically aim to secure the political freedom of a specific constituency marginalized within its larger context rather than organizing solely around belief systems, programmatic manifestoes, or party affiliation. Members of that constituency assert or reclaim ways of understanding their distinctiveness that challenge dominant oppressive characterizations, with the goal of greater self-determination.

This essay examines Oromo identity politics in the context of the recent discourse by some suggesting that the Oromo need to make a paradigm shift vis-à-vis Oromia and Ethiopia.

Oromo National Identity

Before answering whether Oromo people can be Ethiopian it is necessary to examine the difference between being Oromo and being Ethiopian in the first instance. Oromo national identity refers to the identity of the Oromo people, the representation of their country Oromia as a whole, encompassing its culture, traditions, language, and politics contrary to the Ethiopian discourse that tends to present Oromo national identity as part of the multiple identities that the Oromo people enjoy with the greater Ethiopian identity.

The Ethiopian identity on the other hand means different things depending on if you are Abyssinian or not. For an Abyssinian the term Ethiopian means the same. For the rest, however, Ethiopian is filled with ambiguity and dissonance. This confusion emanates not only from difference in cultural and ethnic identity but also from politics. The political history of Ethiopia for the non-Abyssinians is nothing but exploitation, subjugation and cultural genocide. The current Ethiopian regime has raised the stake further from cultural genocide to real genocide that one Oromo social scientist dubbed it as ‘the final solution’.

Since no one has ever suggested that the so called Ethiopianess is biological, one has to look for its evidence in the spheres of political identity. Unfortunately, so far the political system in Ethiopia has not been one of inclusion. Simply put, the system the Abyssinians and their foreign supporters created is an extremely repressive regime. Ethiopia is a prison house if you happen to be non-Abyssinian. It would be impossible for anyone to develop affinity to this type of identity let alone loyalty and allegiance, except through dehumanization and self-denial, both very unhealthy for the people that tender the identity and the receiver.

Ethiopian is not a national identity. Ethiopia is a state, the worst man kind has ever seen. Ethiopia as a political entity is a forced marriage. If one allowed freedom, Ethiopia will cease to exist immediately. The same thing that happened in former Yugoslavia will manifest itself. Oromia will definitely be a fully independent country. Ogandenians might merge with Somalia. Abyssinia will revert back to its former size in the north. Others in the south will either merge with Oromia, Abyssinia or declare independence. This outcome would be so natural and offer the best chance for lasting peace and development.

Some allege that the Oromo people have no noticeable national identity that set them apart from Abyssinians as they have intermixed with others through intermarriages and culturally influenced each other. Let us examine the demerit of such a claim.

Findings from population genetic studies conform to data from linguistic, cultural and social history of distinct Oromo national identity. Population genetic studies show no evidence of significant intermarriage between Oromo and Amhara or primordial closeness at all. The Oromo are homogenous as a genetic group. The Oromo are genetically much more close to other Cushitic, including Afar, Agaw and Somali. The Oromo and Abyssinians are genetically distinct. They occupy distinct geographical areas of Oromia and Abyssinia respectively.

The Oromo people have a distinct national cultural identity of well established democratic system known as Gada. The Abyssinians who dominate the Ethiopian political system have never known democracy in their entire history, and they do not seem to be receptive to the idea of free and democratic society either. The Oromo use force as a last resort, whereas the Abyssinians are warlike.

For an Oromo to assume Abyssinian identity would not only mean a total change of identity so different that will be unrecognizable but simply unachievable. Those who advocate Ethiopianess to the Oromo are swimming against the tide. Moreover, today the Oromos are forcibly evicted from their ancestral land and their land is being given away to foreigners and the proceeds line up the Tigre ruling class pockets; millions of Oromos are dying of manmade famine – a green famine created to reduce the number of Oromos. It is under these circumstances that some are suggesting a paradigm shift from Oromia to Ethiopia in the guise of multiethnic democracy. In any case, what is multiethnic democracy? I am afraid no one can tell you what the model would look like.

The sense of national identity has already reached the national collective consciousness of the Oromo. A paradigm shift seems to be at least two decades behind the curve. The idea of struggle for independence has passed the point of no return for the Oromo. The Oromo society has changed beyond recognition. Children born in Oromia over the last two decades have grown up knowing very little about Ethiopia. Paradigm shift makes no sense to them. Charles Taylor argues that the modern identity is characterized by an emphasis on its inner voice and capacity for authenticity — that is, the ability to find a way of being that is somehow true to oneself (Taylor in Gutmann, ed. 1994).

As Sonia Kruks also puts it:

What makes identity politics a significant departure from earlier, pre-identarian forms of the politics of recognition is its demand for recognition on the basis of the very grounds on which recognition has previously been denied that groups demand recognition. The demand is not for inclusion within the fold of “universal humankind” on the basis of shared human attributes; nor is it for respect “in spite of” one's differences. Rather, what is demanded is respect for oneself as different (2001, 85).

Likewise the Oromo national question is not a request for respect for recognition as equal partner or acquiring Ethiopian identity but demand for liberation of Oromia. There are some who either pretend they do not understand the aim of Oromo national movement or attempt to misrepresent it as a demand for democratic governance.

Adversarial Identities

Certain conflict's intractability depends upon the identities of the adversary. Identities can mesh with each other in ways that are more or less destructive. Two groups with ethno-nationalist identities and with attachment to some of the same land are prone to engage in an intractable conflict. Moreover, a group with an ethno-nationalist identity and even a high sense of superiority may attempt to eliminate the other. The recent example of the tragic genocide attempt by the Hutu against the Tutsi in Rwanda is a grime reminder of what can happen. The Ethiopian Empire sits on a volcano. The eruption, when it happens, will certainly dwarf the Rwandan conflict. The author strongly believes that these conflicts are avoidable by allowing separation of adversarial identities. The Oromo and Ethiopian identities are adversarial and I have not come across, yet, any sociologist who argues otherwise. Hence, it is in the best interest of all concerned to disentangle the two mutually exclusive adversarial identities of Oromia and Ethiopia.

Above all, over the past four decades the Oromo nation, as a whole, has and is paying a heavy sacrifice in terms of human life in the fight for liberation. Thousands of freedom fighters have lost their lives, fighting against Hailesillase, Mengistu and Meles. Thousands more have been subjected to exile and destitution. Moreover, as we speak, Oromia is bleeding in terms of economic exploitation, eviction from land, underdevelopment, epidemic diseases and famine.

Meles Zenawi, in particular, is conducting genocide against the Oromo through systematic destruction of the livelihood of Oromos. He has reduced the entire Oromo country to hell on Earth perpetuating untold repression, killings and exploitation of the natural resource of the Oromo. It would appear that he has a sinister plan in mind.

Furthermore, the Oromo insist on using their own language but successive Ethiopian regimes insist that Amharic, the language of the minority, be the official language. Abyssinian heroes such as Tewodros, Yohanis, Menelik, Halesellasie, Mengistu, Zenawi etc are viewed as criminal mass murders by the Oromo since that is exactly what these warlords did to the Oromo. Qubee is anathema to Ge’ez for the Abyssinians, albeit they have started using it widely learning from the Oromo. The Ethiopian flag is seen not only as a national symbol but a religious icon for an Abyssinian but is a nasty reminder of Abyssinian chauvinism to the Oromo. The OLF is a symbol of, freedom, emancipation, unity and revered as an ideology by the Oromo; whereas it is a threat to an Abyssinian ideology.

The fallacy of the so called multi-ethnic democracy in Ethiopia is epitomized by the only African female political party leader in prison, Birtukan Midhegsa. She has sadly no public sympathy let alone followers. She is seen as an Oromo and attract nominal support from the ‘multi-nationalists’ and at the same time wholly forsaken by the 40 million strong Oromos for not leading an independent Oromo movement. Imagine if she went to prison for being one of the OLF leaders. She would have been our Aung San Suu Kyi. Her apparently ignored immense sacrifice remains a stark warning for the advocates of multi-ethnic democracy as a remedy for the Ethiopian empire.

Several books have been written on the differences between the Oromo and the Abyssinian nationalism but I have not seen any book or article on the similarities or common interest between them in favour of forging closer ties. It is preposterous to suggest a paradigm shift without exploring a common denominator between the two peoples. It is a suggestion that someone’s national identity is dispensable. In any case, it would be cost effective for the minority to make the shift rather than the majority. Why do they think that the majority has to conform? One would ask why not the Abyssinians adopting Oromo identity, if it is democracy. The unification between Oromo and the Abyssinians would only benefit the latter and it is logical for them to change in search of that advantage. Not the other way round. I challenge those who suggest a paradigm shift to come up with a single potential benefit for the Oromo nation from the marriage they recommend.

Whether and how identities contribute to intractable conflicts depends on their particular qualities. Of course, identities can and do change in ways that may help prevent, limit, and end intractable conflicts. These changes are brought about by the way the adversaries interact, and by the conduct of persons and groups who intervene or otherwise affect the primary adversaries. However, I have not seen any meaningful change of attitude within the Abyssinian culture that might suggest they can make a shift of any kind any time soon. They continue to cold-bloodedly attempt to destroy the Oromo identity, livelihood and existence. I do not sense change of heart from their allies, so far, in making the necessary intervention to stop the conflict either.

Harsh Political Treatment

The proponents of the notion that the Oromo must abandon their quest for an independent homeland of their own tend to evoke the example of the closer economic union in Europe. They tend to tell us that in the era of unity we should not move apart. The reality that their rhetoric seems to have conveniently ignored is the political reality on the ground that works against nurturing friendship and trust. Ethiopia is the most repressive regime in the entire universe. The reality is that the Oromo, due to the paranoia of the Abyssinian elite, are treated as potential threats. The current Ethiopian regime is ruling Oromia by means of state terrorism, no different from its predecessors. Oromia is an occupied territory and the people are demanding independence. According the International Crisis Group report the Zenawi regime has deployed 1 million spies in the state of Oromia alone to suffocate and terrorize the Oromo people (Africa Report No. 153; September 2009).

The current Ethiopian regime is busy passing death penalties and life long imprisonment against the Oromo almost exclusively. These innocent Oromo people suffer for no other reason than being Oromo – their identity. Arbitrary detentions, killings, rape and torture are common place. The majority of prisoners in the hell on earth Ethiopian prisons and jail houses speak ‘Afaan Oromoo’ as attested to by even some Abyssinians. You could say Oromia itself has become and open air prison. The Oromia Support Group (OSG), a UK based human rights group, has compiled credible reports of 4,185 extra-judicial killings and 944 reports of disappearance, since 1994 (http://oromo.org). The systematic attempt by the Tigrean dominated regime to reduce the number of the Oromo can only be correctly characterized as genocide (HERE). This is a product of adversarial identity politics in its naked form.

Now, those who call for a paradigm shift from Oromia to Ethiopia fail to acknowledge the fundamental reality on the ground of lack of favourable political environment that may foster any shift towards unification rather than polarization. History teaches us those who try to appease evil will only strengthen the hands of the evil. The proponents of the so called paradigm shift seem to think that they might save life by abandoning Oromoness. They need urgent critical appraisal of the premises of their change of heart. In the meanwhile, the rest of us should continue building the Oromo nation.

Conclusion

Identities can greatly contribute to conflict intractability. The history of conflict between Oromia and Ethiopia dates back to the 11th century. How adversaries think about who they are and who and what their enemies are profoundly influences the course of any conflict between them. The way the Oromos and the Abyssinians think of each other has irreparably changed and being maintained to date, by the support from the world powers to the Abyssinians since the end of the nineteenth century. Their sense of identity and conceptions of each other contribute to their conflict's destructive quality as well as to its long duration.

I do not think the conflict between Oromia and Ethiopia ends by paradigm shift by the Oromo. The author argues that the conflict is likely to have a lasting solution if the paradigm shift was made by the Ethiopians to stop claiming that the Oromo are Ethiopians and let them go. Those who call for the Oromo to convert to Ethiopia are not only condoning our loss of freedom but invite us to even loose our national identity and it must be resisted by Oromos by any means necessary. What saddens me most is that some of our own have jumped on the bandwagon of multi-ethnic democracy without bothering to clarify what it means, not to mention a well thought out strategic vision to achieve it. Clichés such as paradigm shift are barrier to clear thinking. Forget multi-ethnic democracy – as an Oromo, its survival against genocide that one must worry about.

Have your say!

Berhanu Nega should NOT be welcomed to participate at OSA conference

2010-07-18T04:42:00.012-04:00

A Response to Jawar Siraj Mohammed’s Open letter

By Argan Beekan (Oromo Affairs Blogger)

Reacting to a re-posting of my article on Berhanu Nega from Feb. 2007, Jawar Siraj Mohammed writes accusing me of attempting “to provoke hostile opposition towards Dr. Brehanu Nega’s inclusion in the upcoming OSA conference.” He further asserts that “none of his [Berhanu’s] opinions as fundamentally hostile to the aspirations of the Oromo people.”

I will respond to these charges but, first, let me say that I understand scholarship is a matter of bread and butter for some. But, not to the Oromo people. In the name of scholarship, Oromos should not be expected to refrain from raising legitimate questions about those who claim to know what is best for the Oromo people. Their questions should not be construed as intending to cause hostility just because those to whom these questions are directed find them difficult to answer.

Secondly, I would like to remind the reader that whatever was attributed to Berhanu Nega in my blog was taken from his book (Ya Nasaannat Gohi Sii Qaddi) and can be verified for accuracy.

Contrary to Jawar’s assertion, it is important to note that many individuals whose political views are in divergence with what Obbo Jawar called “assumed mainstream Oromo opinion” have at different times presented at OSA conferences without any “negative reactions” from the public. Obbo Bulcha Damaksa, Dr. Marera Gudina, Dr. Bayene Petros, Dr. Negasoo Gidaadaa, Ambassador David Shinn, to mention but a few, have all appeared at OSA conferences without so much as a pip from the Oromo public. But their opinions are hardly main stream as far the Oromo, both back home and in the Diaspora, are concerned. This is evident from the negligible level of support political views of these personalities garner from the Oromo public. Obbo Jawar, as an aspiring researcher, should get his facts straight before making statements such as “ We often see negative reactions towards the participation of those whose political views differ …”

To my recollection, the only person whose appearance at an OSA conference was canceled because of public outrage was that of Col. Goshu Welde who took part in the decimation and great suffering of our people as a member of the military junta – the DERG. The then OSA president, Asfaw Beyene, had the audacity to invite him to the 20th anniversary of OSA. Mind you, Goshu Welde was neither a scholar nor a researcher by any stretch of the imagination. His qualification for speaking at OSA conference was being Ethiopianist politician – plain and simple. OSA had no business organizing meetings for politicians to assist them in dissemination of their political views.

I would argue that the reason for Berhanu’s invitation to OSA conference is no different from that for Goshu Welde. Again, I maintain that OSA has no business assisting dissemination of political views particularly those against Oromo aspirations like that Of Berhanu Nega’s.

Berhanu’s presentation at OSA 2010 must be opposed on a couple of grounds.

First, contrary to what Jawar would have us believe, Berhanu’s, not only opinion but also, political actions have been fundamentally hostile to aspirations of the Oromo people.

Why do I say that?

Let me remind the reader that Berhanu Nega was a leader of Kinijit. Regardless of what it claimed to be, Kinijit was a party of Amhara elites bent on regaining state power they had lost to their northern cousins in 1991. Had they succeeded, and Berhanu and his friends attained power, what they would have done with the state power they so much desired to achieve is a public secret. One passing look at their leadership composition and another passing look at their manifesto, there is no mistaking what they had in store for non-Amharas. In a nutshell, they planned to roll back all achievements made by oppressed nations and nationalities in that empire to take the country back to the Haile Sellasie era. To mention but a few, article 39 of the TPLF constitution, which ”allows” (on paper only I might add) nations and nationalities the option of seceding from the empire would have been the first victim of Kinjit. Then, as they promised in their manifesto, they would have re-drawn state boundaries so as to take the empire back to the old “Kifle Hagar” configuration. The name Oromia would have been a thing of the recent past. Re-imposition of Amharic as language of instruction in schools and language of work in other areas would have followed as soon as Kinijit surrounded itself with its own PDO of assimilated Oromos. These assimilated Oromos would have been the ones to spear head Kinijit’s effort to do away with Afaan Oromoo as official language in Oromo region. It is this force, Berhanu Nega’s former party, that Obbo Bulcha Damaksa – a believer in democratization of Ethiopia - was referring to in his press conference of May 20, 2005 when he said, “While a genuine federal system has not been implemented in Ethiopia, there are forces which want to even abolish the theoretical federalism which remains only in the book.“ All this would have been executed by an organization in which Berhanu Nega was not only a member but a leader. This is the man Jawar Mehammed Siraj would have us believe “Many have testified to [his] integrity, genuine concern and commitment to the goal of social justice.”

As far as the Oromo question and aspirations are concerned, there is no difference of views between Males Zenawi and Berhanu Nega. They only differ in how they go about implementing their solutions – the former by making a promise it does not intend to keep, the later refusing to even acknowledge our rights.

Let me also remind the reader that Kinijit, Berhanu Nega’s former party, was made up of many unitarist parties. Membership was open only to those parties that were not affiliated with ethnic groups. Oromo federalist parties like Bulcha Damaksa’s WAFIDO and Marara Gudina’s ONC were not welcomed by Kinijit.

To my knowledge, Berhanu has never repented for these serious offences against our people’s aspirations.

Second, to make a scholarly presentation on a subject, one must have gained mastery of that discipline through years of study and must be able to speak with authority and clarity on the subject. As one can see from the title, Berhanu’s presentation has nothing to do with his field of expertise which happens to be Economics. Berhanu will be presenting “Ethnic Identity and Political Developments of the Last Two Decades” which is not his area of scholarship. By his own admission, he got interested in understanding ethnicity in the Ethiopian empire as a result of meeting Oromo detainees in TPLF dungeons. Even then, what struck him was not the suffering they were undergoing but their “hateful feelings” against his immiyyee Ethiopia.

Plain and simple, Berhanu will be speaking at OSA conference as a politician, not as scholar. His appearance at OSA conference at this time is a continuation the dialogue currently underway between Berhanu’s Ginbot 7 and the Dawud Ibsaa faction of the OLF in which OSA, a purportedly scholarly organization, should have no part.

It is a public secret that disappointed by the death of Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), to which Berhanu’s former party Kinijit and Dawud Ibsaas faction of the OLF were parties, Eritrea has been working hard on resurrecting it in some form. Many meetings have taken place between these two Ethiopian opposition parties. Here in the USA Shanee representatives and Berhanu Nega have met many times to discuss how to democratize Ethiopia. Andargachedw Tsigie of Ginbot 7 has travelled “multiple times” to Asmara to meet with Obbo Dawud Ibsaa and his faction hosted by the Eritrean government. Reliable sources have informed this blogger that the two Ethiopian opposition groups have agreed on many issues and are very close to forming an alliance.

Wouldn’t it be nice to acquaint the Oromo public with Berhanu Nega and Bayan Asoba sitting side by side and addressing audiences beginning now? That may be, but OSA is hardly the appropriate venue for such political events.

Finally, Obbo Jawar informs us of his “various strategic disagreements” with his protégé, Berhanu Nega, without informing us what these disagreements are. I only know of one: that Jawar advocates for dismantling, and doing away with, the OLF whereas Berhanu Nega is at least talking with a faction of that organization. A “strategic disagreement” indeed!

Have your say!

Berhanu Nega to Speak at Oromo Studies Association Conference 2010

2010-07-15T18:01:00.005-04:00

One of my readers writes:

"Dear Argan Beekan,

In light of the fact that Berhanu Nega (formerly of Kinijit and now of Ginbot 7) will be speaking at Oromo Studies Association Conference (OSA) this year, would you please repost your article about Ato Berhanu from years ago to inform the public about this man? The panel is organized by Asfaw Beyene and includes Beyan Asoba and David Shinn." See HERE.

Blogger: I personally am not surprised given the cozy relationship between Ginbot 7 and Shanee on the one hand and Shanee and OSA on the other. The article in question is "Berhanu Nega’s Shocking Encounter with Oromo Detainees Led to his Politcal Career". I never took it down. You will find it HERE.

Enjoy and have your say.

Oromo Reconciliation, Unity and Mobilization Conference or a Shanee Asmara Gimmick?

2010-06-05T01:45:00.007-04:00

By Observer

I was pleasantly surprised when I heard the Oromo Artists Association (OAA) was convening a conference to support reconciliation of the three OLF factions in MPLS, MN. The association was not in existence when the first schism took place in 2001 splitting the OLF in to Shanee Asmara (led by Dawud Ibsaa) and the Qaama Cehumsaa (led by Dhugaasaa Bakakkoo) groups. All members of the current board of directors of the OAA sided with the Shanee group during that split.

When the second schism took place in the summer of 2008 within the Shanee Asmara group and into the Shanee and the Jijjiirama groups, OAA was just a year old. Many of its members sided with Shanee while others sided with the Jijjiirama group as a result of which the association was paralyzed and rendered useless for about two years. It eventually dawned on OAA members that turmoil is bad for business and they decided to mend their differences. What is more, they even decided to support and encourage reconciliation efforts between the three OLF factions. Or was that a gimmick?

First, Let us get some facts straight.

There are two efforts currently underway to reconcile the OLF factions.

One was initiated by a group of individuals (“maanguddoo”) around the beginning of 2009. The list of these individuals includes Lenco Lata, Dima Nago, Xaha Abdi, Jeylu Danboba, Ahmed Hussen, Fiqaadu Wakjira, Kuleni Gudina, etc … all Shanee or Jijjirama members. Only two OLF factions (the Dawud Ibsa and the Kamal galchu groups) are involved in the “maanguddoo” reconciliation effort. Having examined the list of “maanguddoo”, the QC group felt the “maanguddoo” cannot be independent and objective mediators and therefore refused to take part. To the QC group these “manguddoo” are not only members of rival groups passing themselves as neutral and objective mediators (a Shanee gimmick), but many of them are part of the problem. Latest information about this effort is that the leaders of the two factions have agreed and signed an agreement to share power while they prepare to convene Kora Sabaa (KS) and elect a new set of leaders. This agreement is opposed vehemently by Shanee grassroots members and has threatened another split much less implement it.

Another reconciliation effort is one initiated by A call to strengthen the Oromo Struggle for Liberation by the QC group. The Shanee and Jijjiirama groups answered the call. All three factions of the OLF are party to this one in a direct (no mediator “maanguddoo” involved) and bi-lateral fashion. In other words, reconciliation talks take place between two factions at a time – no three way talks have taken place yet. It was the result of this initiative which was reported at the conference on May 29, 2010 by the representative of the QC group.

Now, let us try to answer whether the conference and its associated events thus far are meant to truly support Oromo Reconciliation, Unity and Mobilization or another Shanee Gimmick. I would not have asked this question had the OAA not presented itself as a neutral civic association whose only interest is Oromo Reconciliation, Unity and Mobilization.

Our first stop is the conference itself. In his opening speech, the chairman of OAA presented the objective of the conference as supporting “Oromo Reconciliation, Unity and Mobilization initiated by ‘maanguddoo.” He said nothing about the reconciliation effort initiated by the QC group. He also appealed to “manguddoo” to disclose the name of any group refusing to heed their verdict for condemnation by Oromo public. The chairman also reminded everyone that he was not speaking as a member of his political group (Jijjiirama) but on-behalf of OAA.

If OAA is as neutral in this conflict, and reconciliation of all OLF factions is at the heart of its effort, as it claims, why does it support one to which only two factions are parties through Shanee “maanguddoo” and completely ignore one initiated by the QC group to which all three factions are parties and which is close to bearing fruit? Why does OAA call on “maanguddoo” who are all Shanee or Jijjiirama members to disclose the name of anyone group refusing to heed their verdict when it fully knows that the QC group is not party to that effort?

Where is the neutrality OAA is claiming? Was the chairman speaking for himself and not for OAA? If that is the case, then it is up to OAA to disown his statements without delay. If it fails to do so, there is no mistaking that it has shown partisanship and the whole exercise is nothing but a Shanee gimmick just like the “maanguddoo” affair.

The second event we will examine is the OAA chairman’s (Jijjirama member) and PR’s (Shanee member) interview with the VOA Afaan Oromoo program on June 4th, 2020.

In this interview, again, both gentlemen deliberately misinformed the public.

First, the OAA officers spoke of a reconciliation effort by “manguuddoo” which they misrepresented as involving all three factions. They both know full well that the QC group is not party to that effort. Why misinform the public?

Second, they again deliberately hid the existence of two different reconciliation efforts underway. Just as at the conference, OAA officers completely ignored and failed to mention the effort initiated by the QC group and in which all three factions are involved. Why?

For anyone who is familiar with the OLF saga, it is abundantly clear that the three factions don’t agree on the cause(s) of their problems much less on the solution. Members of the OAA can have their own take on these issues but I don’t believe OAA has a stand on these issues as a civic association. Neither do I think it should.

But listen to the OAA chairman and PR diagnose the cause of OLF splits in this interview. The former diagnosed it as “personal ego” of the leaders. The PR officer at least listed a couple of causes cited by different groups but ended up at the same diagnoses. Recall I said the three factions don’t agree on the cause(s) of their problems much less on the solution? “Personal ego” is one of Shanee Asmara’s (currently split into Shanee & Jijjiirama) diagnosis.

Where the two gentlemen there to speak on their groups behalf or on behalf of OAA? If OAA has no stand on these issues as I assumed, why pass their own views as that of the association’s? This is very short sighted and counterproductive.

Again, OAA must disown their statements if it wants to be taken seriously and continue to work for Oromo Reconciliation, Unity and Mobilization. Otherwise, it will become another Shanee gimmick just like the “Maanguddoo” gimmick.

Have your say.

Political Vision or Religious Revelation?

2010-03-20T17:22:00.016-04:00

By Samuel Guutuu

“… and many false prophets shall arise and shall mislead many. Behold, I have told you in advance” (Matthew 24:11, 25).

Politics is an unclean game by its very nature. Those who mix religion with politics do so at their own peril. As one can see from the Scripture (Matthew 22:21), it would seem advisable to leave politics for the politicians and religion to the religious leaders. The scripture also warns of false prophets.

First, it was the Reverend Belina Sarka of the Oromo Lutheran Church. According to him, after listening to his prayers for unity and territorial integrity of Ethiopia since 1977, the Lord answered his prayer as he was meditating in Hermannsburg, Germany. The Lord appeared to him one morning at 3:00 AM, in 2002. Just as He revealed the Ten Commandments to Moses in the form of a tablet, so he did the future of Ethiopia to Reverend Belina in the form of a TV show. In this show, says the good reverend, the Lord showed him the future of Ethiopia and her “fourteen provinces.” Listen to this! The Lord, actually showed the reverend that Ethiopia will return to her former glory of owning “fourteen” provinces which will include Eritrea.

According to Revererd Belina, the TV show consisted of three scenes. The first scene was about Eritreaea, Tigray, Gondar and Walloo. They are blessed to become the industrial backbone of Ethiopia. Scene two dealt with Bale, Arsi, Shawa and Gojjam and the agricultural products they will be producing to feed the empire. In scene three, the Lord revealed to him that Harahge, Sidamo, Wallaga, Gamo Gofa and Illu Babba Boora will produce abundant fruits, tea, coffee and spice. In other words, Northern provinces will technologically develop but Oromos and others in the South will remain agricultural societies.

Watching this false prophesy on Youtube HERE and watching the reverend frequently referring to his notes, I could not help wondering if the God that revealed all this to him lacked the power to endow him with perfect memory to remember what He revealed to His “servant.” By his deed, Belina caused me doubt God’s power and almost led me astray for a moment. Then God, in his grace, helped me remember Jesus’s warning in Mathew 24:11. As a human being and a Lutheran, I felt insulted and betrayed. Insulted, because Rev. Belina took me for an imbecile. Betrayed, because such Political visions disguised as religious revelations by someone of Rev. Belina’s stature will reflect badly on the Lutheran Church.

The good reverend has all the rights to support political ideas or parties of his choosing. He has the right to present his ideas for the future of the empire as a person. However, to try and present his political belief as that of God has no other purpose than to intimidate opponents of his idea. It is to present unity and territorial integrity of Ethiopia as God’s will and never to be challenged regardless of the unjust nature of the empire.

As some one once said, "As spiritual adultery increases in the church, false prophets will flourish as highly sought after speakers, and as Christians accept more of these false teachings indiscriminately, many will fall away, believing in a phony "faith".

The Lutheran Church should beware of politicians in religious clothing.

Have your say!

Seenaa Gabaabaa Gootota Jalduu - Kutaa 6ffaa

2010-03-01T18:12:00.003-05:00

Tolchaa Wagii Irraa
Kutaa 5ffaa irraa kan itti fufe

Barreeffama seenaa mataa duree armaan olii kana keessatti, lolli Qotee bulaa gootota Jalduun geggefamu: biyya keenya irraatti morma keenya gad-cabsinee, sirna gita-bittotatiin salphanee jirachuu manna (irraa), du'a filachudhan, namonni murtawaan onnee fi murannoo qabanin Motummaa Dargii ammam rasaa akka turan kutallewaan darbe keessatti hanga tokko ibsuu yaaleera.

Dargiin (ibidda) lola Qotee bulaa Jalduu irratti bane humnaan dhaamsuu (dhaabuu) akka hindandeenyee amanudhan toftaa abbootiin isaa jeecha "Lafee Arbaa, waliin rukutanii cabsuu" jedhutti gargaramudhan, of-eeggannoo cimaan gadii fageenyan irraatti hojachudhan namoota heddu erga harka kennachsaniin booda, kanneen osoo harka hinkennatiin hafan irraatti namoonni harka kennatani gara qe'ee isanitti galan kun akka de'bi’anii duulan ijaranii gurmeesaniru.

Waraanni Dargii isaani fi hummata gurmesse of-funduura qabee duluuf qinda’aa fii qophaaha turera.

Adooleessa 27, 1978

Baatii Adolessaa keessa Dargii fi waranni isaa namota armaan dura waliin Dargii lolaa turani fi Dargitti nagaan harka kennatan hunda dabalatanii, gara Ofu fi Diggootti gadi duulaniiru.
Duulli Dargii kun gama sadiin tuure. Karaa Dirree, Karaa Ofuu, fi Karaa Diggoo ta'u isaati.
Humni isanii irraa calaan karaa (daandii) gara Diggootti nama geessun hiriiree waan ta'eef, Ulaan Rujjan falmii ta'uuf adeemu (jiru) kanaaf of-qopheesiteerti.

Lollii gama (roga) sadeninuu ganama keessa sa'a 8:00 AM banamee. Lola sa'aa jaha (6) booda ammas loltonni Dargii ummataa qabatanii dhufan waliin lola isaa marsaa calqabaa Ulaa Rujjan itti godhame kanaan rukutamanii duubatti debi’an.

Humna isanii walitti jabeessanii gama sadiin dhufuu dhisanii (jijjiranii), karuma tokkon karaa Ulaa Rujjan cabsanii darbuuf guyyaa lammataa dhufaan. Lollii kun lola ulfaataa ture. Ammas Dargiin waaroo salphinaa uffatee, reenfa isaa funaannatee gara dhufeetti deb'e. Lolli guyyaa lameenuu injifannoon xumuuramera.

Ofuu, Diggo, Dirree, Labuu, Konichaa, Qamaxee, Diggoo-Daadaa, Diggoo-Maccaa, Rujaan, Wiree fi nannowaan biroo ammaaf maqaa isanii yadachuu hindandeenyee, dirree bilisomte eerga tahatee bubbulte jirti.

Torban tokkoo booda, Obbo Mulataa Fayyiso fi Obbo Wagii Sattoo Diggoo irraa gara nannoo Qoftuu ( magalaa Jalduu irraa kilo-metra 10 irraatti kan argamitu fin nanno Qe’ee Obbo Mulataa Fayyiso ture), hidhannoo adda- addaa guttachuuf baddaa Qoftuu qubatan. ‘Geography’ nannichaa xiqqoo ibsuf: Diggon magalaa Jalduu irraa gara dhihaatti fageenyaan gara kilomeetra 40 (40km) yommu argamtu, Qoftun immo magalaa jalduu irraa kilometra 10 fagaattee kara boroo- bahaa ( North –East) irratti argamti.

Waraanni Dargii fi Ummatonni armaan duura gara Diggotti nutti duulan deba'ani gara mana isanitti osoo hingalin magala Jalduu keessa waan turanif, achii (qoftu) jirachuu keenya dhaga'udhan wal-gurani gara Qooftuutti dhufuu isanii Tulluu irraa jirru guubbaa teenyee Teleskophadhan agarre.

Osoo isaan lagaa Qooftuu hince'in laga kana irraatti dhukasni baname. Yeroon isaa ganna waan ta'eef lagdi kun gutee, galaanni isaa danbali’aa ture. Walitti ce'uuf homtuu hinyaadu ture. Kan mo'ees, kan mohatamees hin turre guyyaa sana. Hunda-iyyuu galgalli (dukkanni) addan baase.

Harka kennisisuu isa Marsaa lammataa

Hangga ammaatti lolli xixiqqaa fi gurguddaan magala fi baadiyyaa Oromiyaa keesaatti ta'a tureera. Hogantonni Dargii gama lola kanatin bu'an isaan argamsisan tokko- illee akka hinjirre hubataniiru.

Bu'aa kan argamisisee, toftaa karaa nagaantiin harkaa keennachisuu waan ta'eef gootonni lola kana irratti qooda guddaa qaban, namoota isaan waliin jiran waliin harka keenisisudhaan, ammas kanneen hafan akka harka isanii keennatan irraatti akka ciminaan hojjatan Jarsolii armaan duraa fi Jarsolii biroo dabalatani, lola dhabanii akka deba'ani nagaan galan gochuun, sagantaa qopheefatan dirirsaniiru.

Oromoota Dargii raasaa jiran kana, firoota fi Maatii isanii amansisuun yoo irratti hojjatan, bu'a fiduu akka danda'u hubachudhan, gad- fageenyan, namoota ummataa biratti dhageetti qabu jedhamaan hunda ramadaniru.
Gama Jarsolii biyyatiin toftaan Dargiin qopheesse milka'ee, namonni heeddun harka isanii keenataniiru.
Namoota marsaa isaa lammataa kana keessatti harka isanii keenatani gara Qe'ee isanitti de'ban keessa : Obbo Dirribaa Korjoo, Obbo Dirribsaa Damee, Obbo Raggasaa Bayyan, Obbo Tolasaa Raggasaa, Obbo Raggasa Gamaa, fi kan biroo yoo tahan, ilmi Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo, Alamuu Mulataa fi Soddaan isanii Obbo Urgessaa Abbabaa, harka hinkenninu jedhani biyyaa badani (bahani), eessa-butanin isanii wallaallamera (dhabameera).

Harka keennachisuu isa marsaa lammtaa kanaan, Dargiin heedduu itti mlika'eera. Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo, Wagii Sattoo, Raggasaa Fayyisaa, Tilinitii Fayyisaa (Obboleessa Raggasaa), Atomsaa Urgee, Guddisaa Itichaa, Baqqalaa Urgee, Faanaa Ayyanoo, Dirribsaa Wagii, Jaalataa Ababaa, Kaasaa Tafarii Urgessaa Amantee fi Mokonnon harka osoo hinkennin didaniru.

Dargiin namoota qubaan lakkawamaan nagaan harka kennachu didan (hafan) kana barbadeessuu akka qabu amanudhan humna qabu irraatti ummata Qotee bulaa Jalduu maraa kanneen Qawwee qaban hunda kumoota heeddun kan lakkawamaan garaa Diggootti gadii duulichisera. Telsekophidhan heeddumina isanii yoo ilaalamu bay’ee nama sodachisaa ture.

Ajjeefamuu Obbo Katamaa Bultum

Obbo Katamaa Bultum, nama Rorroo halagaaf sarmu hinturree. Obbo Katamaa Bultum, Goota hafee (mudoo) hinqabnee fi jirataa Digooti ture. Katamaa Bultum eenyuu-illee nama sodaatu miti!, Hawasni Diggoo isa jalatu, innis isaan jalata. Motummaa H/Sillase fiis ta'ee Dargiif mataa gad-cabsatee bulee hinbeekuu ture. Ummanni Diggoo, Obbo Katamaa Bultum akka hogganaa isanitti fudhataniru ture. Obbo Katamaa Bultum lola amma ammaatti magalaa fi baadiyyaa keessaatti godhamaa ture irraatti gotummaan goota lola ture dha.

Dargii fi Waraanni isaa dhufani, bakka nannoo Diggoo Maccaa jeedhamu qubataniru. Obbo Katamaa Bultum osoo lola kana irra nuwaliin jiiru dhoksadhaan Jarsoliin akka isa quunnamani harkaa keenachisuf amansisuu yaalan, innis akka harka kennachuf murteesse namuu hinbeeku (quba hinqabuu) ture.

Garuu, lola Dargii waliin godhamu irraatti qophawamaa osoo jiramuu, Katamaa Bultum jechi isaa, namoota hunda rifasise: Jarsolii hirriyyoota isaa maqaa dhawudhaan, Coqorsa fi Marga isaan guduunfanii itti ergaan, Kiisii isaa keessaa gadi guuree, “kun kan Diroo Birqiti” , “kun ammoo kan Bajiroo Yaddeesati”.....jechudhaan maqaa Jarsolii nannoo Coobii jiratan margaa isaanii waliin tarreese.

Akuman asin olitti ibsuuf yaale, gootni Oromoo Katamaa Bultum, nama eenyuu jalatti iyyuu buulee hinbeekine, haala kanaan akka inni harkaa kennatu fi kiyyoo Dargiin qopheseef keessa akka lixuu amansisaniiru. Murtiin isaa harka keenachuu waan ta'eef, akka dhaquu qabu hime. Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo dabalatee namonni jiran hundi-iyyuu Obbo Katamaa Bultum dhaqee harka kennachun akka irraa hinjirre itti himan, gorsan.

Obbo Katamaa Bultum akkana jechun yaada isaa ibstate: “Jarsoliin Marga fi Coqorsa guuranii, kakatanii waan natti dhaamaniif, sammuu koo amansise wanaan jiruuf ….” , harka keennuu akka qabu ammas dabalee mirkaneesse. Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo "Katamaa, hima didda malee, du'a hindidduu!, egaa nagaatti kana irraa (ammaan booda) wal-hinagarru” jedheen. Obbo Katamaan ilmaa isaa Dargaggoo Dhugumaa Katamaa waliin hidhannoo isanii gutuu waliin harka keenachuuf bakka nuti jirru irraa gara warra Dargiitti qajeelan (adeeman).

Bakka Waraanni Dargiin duulchise qabatee fi bakka nuti jirru, fageenya kilomeetra lamaa (2) tu’u tu nugidduu jiraa ture. Gamaa fi gamana teenyeetti wal-ilaalla. Katamaa Bultum kiyyoo gama Jarsolitiin Dargiin qopheeseefitti sororee itti lixe.

Katamaa akkuma achii ga'een ilmaa isaa waliin Qawwee irraa hiikanii, harka dubatti hidhanii, battalumatti ajjeesan. Alagaan kakattet nama ganti jechun kanuma!. Jarsoliin hoogantota Dargitiin gowwofamanii obbo Katamaa harka kennachsanis homaa gochuufi hindandeenye.

Gochan kun hundii yeroo raawwatamu, fageenya kilometra lama irraa Telesckopidhaan ni arginaa ture. Goonni Oromoo Katamaa Bultum bifa akkanatiin ilmaa isaa darggaggoo waggaa 25 Dhugumaa Katamaa, waliin ajjeesanii booll’a tokkotti galchanii biyyee irra gargalchan.
Gorsa gaafa sana Katamaan gorfamee fi de'bii inni deebise akka haphee ta'e sammuu kiyya keessatti maxanfamee jira.

Dargiin ajjeechaa Katamaa Bultumiin booda, humna isaa jabeessee, bakka nannoo Xaranxar jeedhamutti lola banuuf dhufe. Akkumaa barame ammas rukutamee gara dhufeetti deebi'uu dirqame. Lola kana irraatti waraanni Dargii funduraatti osoo hinbane, Oromoota marsaa funduura irraatti hirirsudhaan ofi duuba ta'ani namoota heedduu ficcisisaniiru. Oromonni, namonni akka Obbo Fufaa Bashudee faa lola kan irraatti du'aniiru.

Dargiin loola amma ammaatti godhe kana keessatti guyyaa tokko-illee osoo hinmo'iin baronni lakkwamaniiru. Kun ammoo isaniif salphina guddaa ta'eera.

Lola kanaan booda, Dargiin tofta ittin hogantoota waraana kanaa (Obbo Mulataa fi Obbo Wagii) ittin dhabamsisuu (galaafachuu) danda'u irraatti haala gadii fageenyaan kiyyoo qopheesuu eegale. Namni kam-iyyuu osoo quba hinqabaatin, bitamtoota qarshidhaan bitudhaan akka summidhan ajjeesan irraatti waligalaniiru, wixinee qophesuu irratti bobba’aniru.

Arfasaa Bara 1979: Summiin Hoggantoota warana keenyaf Qophawe

Hoggantoonni Dargii fulaaf-fulatti lolanii mo'achuu dadhabuu isaanii irraaa kan ka'een namoota akka Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo fi Obbo Wagii Sattoo gama Summitiin dhabamsisuuf, nama Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo biratti amanama ta'e argataniiru. Innis maqaan isaa nama Safaraa jedhamu. Safaraan jirataa Diggoo Daadaa yommu ta'u yeroo hedduu nuwaliin dabarsaa ture. Dargiin gara Diggootti yeroo duulu nuwaliin Dargii lolaa ture. Bara sana namonni lola Dargii waliin godhamu kan irratti hirmatan hundi isanii-iyyuu, "Sibilli fi Dhirrii Qulqqulluu wayya"jeecha jedhutti amanu ture.

Lola kana irratti guyyaa tokko rasasa Dargitiin kufuu dandeenya jedhamee waan amanamuuf, torbanitti ykn torban lamaatti Qoricha Heexoo(Kosoo) dhuguun akka dirqamatti fudhatameera. Namni Foon Jiidhaa nyatee warana dhaqee, rasasan yommu rukutame, foon mummuran inni liqimsee sun, karaa afaniin waan gadii debu'uuf, namnii Heexxoon (Tapeworm) garaa keessa jiirtu ammoo, yoo rasasiin garaa rukutte, kara rasasiin rukute sanaan Rammoon garaa keessa jiirtu, achiin waan ol' batuuf, kana of- irraa eeguuf, nannoo sanatti namni hundi-iyyuu kan itti gargaramnu, firii Haanquu fi Waggarti dha ture. Heexoo ykn Rammoo garaa namaa keessa jirtu kana, battalummatti kan balleessu, Benzila(Benzene or C6H6) dha. Benzila akka salphatti yeroo sana argachuun hindanda'mu ture. Darbee-darbee garuu magalaa Jalduutti nama ergachudhaan inuma argamaa ture.

Hoggantonni Dargii kan Jalduu fi magalaa Amboo jiran oddefannoo kana waan qabaniif Benzila Summii waliin makaa battalumaatti gubee nama ajjeesuu danda'u qophessaniiru. Nama dirqama kana fudhatee, hojii irraa olchuu danda'uus gantuu Safaraa argataniiru.
Safaraan mana jireenyaa mataa isaa qabatuu iyyuu, yeroo hedduu nuwaliin dabarsaa ture. Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo tiin fira ykn gosa aanteeti waliin jedhu ture. Yeroo hedduu Benzila Obbo Mulataa dha bichisisera. Safaraan namoota nuwaliin jiran biratti amanama dha ture. Osoo nuwaliin jiiru, karaa kamin akka inni Jalduu dhaqee, Qarshidhaan bitamee, Summidhaan hoggantoota waraana Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo fi Obbo Wagii Sattoo ajjeesee badhafamuuf akka qophawee, namni beeku tokko-illee hinjiiru ture.

Galgaala gaafa tokkoo, bakka hundi keenya jirrutti, bitamtichii kun Safaraan, bakka jireenya keenyaa dhufuun ergaa nuwaliin asawaa oleen booda Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo fi Obbo Wagii Sattotiin "Benzila nama lamaaf ta'u nan qaba koottaa dhugaa jedheen." Wagii Satto fi Mulataa Fayyisoo summii Dargiin Benzila waliin makee qopheeseef dhuganii, gubatanii du'uuf, “ barii ganama dhufnee dhugnaa, manatti nu'eegi!” jeechun ganiticha Safaraa waliin beellama qabataniiru.

Mulataa Fayyisoo fi Wagii Sattoo Summii kanaan du'ani moo hafaniiru?

Kutaa 7ffaan itti fufa.

Seenaa Gabaabaa Gootota Jalduu - Kutaa 5ffaa

2010-03-01T17:58:00.002-05:00

Tolchaa Wagii Irraa

Kutaa 4ffaa irraa kan itti fufe

Wa'een Lola Qotee bulaa Jalduu dhukkba bowwoo itti ta'udhan, hogantoota Dargii irriba isaan dhorkeera. Mangistuu H/Mariam dhimma lola kanaa ilalichisee yeroo dubbatu "Tinshuwa Ertiraa" maqaa jeedhu itti moggseera. Ertiraan Xiqqoon nutti kaate jeechuu isaati. Yommu sana Ertraan bilisumma ishif kontooffattee Dargii lolaa turte. Hanga ammaatti (yoonatti) waranni duulee Jalduu dhaqe, waaroo salphinaa uffatee, qaana'ee, kottee koo nabaasi jeedhee, of- irraa garagalu malee, injifannoon inni galmeesse hinjiiruu ture. Bara sana, kessaa fi alaan cinqamee, funyoon (wadaroon) morma isaatti dhiyatee kan ture Motummaan abba Irree Dargii, funyaan isaa jala ykn fageenyaan kilometra 125 irraatti, lola Qotee bulaa Jalduu to'annoo jala olichuu dadhabera.

Oromoo mirga isaa fi eenyummaa isaa kabajachifachuuf gara kutannodhaan hidhannoo isaa jabeeffate tokkummadhaan ka'e, dhaabuu akka hindandeenye halaan hubateera Dargiin.
"Harka Cabsuu dadhabde dhungadhu!" jecha jedhutti gargaaramudhan gama lolli kun dhabachuu danda' u irraatti hojachuun hiikoo (furmaata) rakkoo (dhibdee) kanaa akka ta'ee hubataniru (Warri Dargii).

Bulchaan Kutaa Shawaa yeroo sanaa kan ture Dr. Mokonnon Jotee fi hoggantonni
Dargii kan biroo, Ibiddi Jalduu kessaatti qabsifame dhamee, akka nagaan bu'u tasisuun, akka ummanni Jalduu ka'ee waranuu kan godhe ykn kan balleesse, Dabballoota Mootummaan Jalduutti ramadee waan ta'eef, kan Qawwee fudhatee lolaa ture hundi nagaan akka Qe'ee isaatti deb'ee, nagadhan jiraatu kan jedhuu, olola siyaasa gama danda'amee hunda'an facaase.
"Qawwee keessanis naminni isiin gaafatu hinjiiru!" jechuun kadhaa calqabe. Jirattonni magalaa Jalduu manni isaani cufame, mannettiwaan isanii banamee akka jireenya isaanni nagaan geggessan olola faca’e irratti hunda’un namonni magaalaa keessa jiraatan gara mana isanitti deebi’an (galan).

Habashonnii manneen daldalaa magalaa Jalduu keessaa qaban baqatanii gara Finfinneetti (Shaggarii) dhufanii waan tureef, isaanis deebi’ani mana daldala isanii cufamee kan ture banan. Hogantonni Dargii Kan Dr.Mokonnoon Joteetiin durfaman, Jarsoliwwaan (maanguddo) Anaa sana keessaatti argamaan walitti wamudhaan akka ummanni lola kana irraatti hirmate hundi, balleessan lola kana qabsisee kadairoota Mootummaa wan ta'eef, nagaan akka harkaa isanii kennatani jireenya isaani gegeesan hubachisee. Mokonnon Jotee Oromoo waan ta'eef, afaan Oromotins dubachudhaan akka jaarsolii kana amansisee keessa beektonni ni dubbatu. Olola Mokkonnon Jotee gama Jarsolittin facaase kana irraatti hunda'udhaan namonni heedduun harkaa isanii kennatan.

Mokonoon Jotee, kanneen harkaa isanii kennatan, afuura garii, tajajilaa fi gorsa gaaridhaan Qawwee isanii waliin akka maatii isanitti debi’an godhe. Qotee bulaan Jalduu guyyaa gaafa Jimataa, Sanbataa, Wixataa lola irraatti hirmaataan hundi harka isanii kennatan.
Kanneen harkaa kennatan kun ammoo debi’anii kanneen hafaan akka harkaa kennachisan irraatti akka hojjatan godhame.

Keessattuu Obbo Mogoora Tujjoo gama Obboleessa isaani, kan Ayyantuu ta'an , Obbo Nuurasaa Tujjoo Gurmessaa tin, akka harka kennatan irraatti hojjatan. Obbo Nuurasaa Tujjoo Gurmesaa warra Qaalluu ti turan. Biyyi isanii, biyya Giiftii Elemoo jedhamee bekkama. Ayyanni Obbo Nurasaa irratti bu’uu ammo Cabsa jedhamee beekkama. Obbo Mogoraa Tujjoo dhirummaa fi Jagnummaa isaatiin hafee (mudoo) akka hinqabne hundi iyyuu kan irratti waliigalu dha.
Akkumaa yaadamee (akeekkame) hojii guubbaa olchudhaan, Obbo Mogoraa Tujjoo obboleyyaan isaani: Obbo Gobasaa Tujjoo, Obbo Boranaa Tujjoo, Obbo Haruu Tujjoo fi namoota isaan waliin jiran waliin harka isaani akka kennatan godhame. Gama Dargitiin, yommu isaan harkka kennatan, simannaa fi kabajaan adda isaniif godhame. Harka keennun Obbo Mogoraa Tujjoo, Amilee (moorala) kanneen hafanii osoo hintuqin hinhafne.Namonni lola darban irraatti hirmaatan hundi isanii nagaan harka kennachudhaan Qawwee isaani waliin garaa mana isanitti deba'an. Jarrewwan harka keennan kun, debi’anii kanneen hafan akka harkaa kennachisan, ololli siyasaa bay’inaan afarfame.

Akka kanaan, Obbo Tolasaa Hata'u , Ilma isaa fi namoota isa waliin jiru waliin harka isaa akka kennatuu karaa Jarsolitiin irraatti hojjatame. Obbo Tolasaa Hata'u, Ilma isaa qabatee, namota wajjin jiru wajjin, gara qe'ee isatti deb'ee. Obbo Tolasaa Haata’u nama seenaa bareedaa qabuu ture. Inni (Obbo Tolasaa Haata’u) lola Gotonni Oromoo hammayyaa (new generation of Oromo heros) Wayyanee (TPLF-EPRDF) waliin Jaldu bakka Kilbee jedhamu irrati, baatii Adoolessaa 1992 godhameen irratti oto-loluu gotumman goota wareegame dha. Lola Kilbe irratti Adoolessa 1992 godhame kana gara fuuladura bal’inan ibsuuf nan-yaala. Ammaf garuu, lola kana gaazeexaan “USA Today” jedhamu gabaasee turun isaa tuquun gaha natti fakkata.

Dr. Mokonnon Jotee, lola qotee buulan Jaalduun Dargii irratti geggefame: isa akka wanta “Jeneral” tokkon hoggaanuutti qinda’ee fi isa akka loltuun hammayyaa (professional army) walihogganamudhaan, yeroo gabaabaa keessaatti injifannoo irratti injifannoo galmesisudhaan funduura irraatti deemaa jiiru kana, akka dhaabbatee nagaan bu'uu irraatti sagantaan inni baafate hojii irraa oleera.

Gama biroon ammoo akkumaa Jalduuti ta’e, lollii hamaan (cimaan) Gindabarat itti ni kaa jedhani
tilmamudhaan, waraanni Dargii heedduminaan dhaquu iyyuu, osoo homtu isaan hinqunamiin Magaalaa Kaachisi to'achuu danda'niiru. Asaffaa Maracoo Galataa, guyyoota murtaa'eef magalaa keessa kan jiran (kittilayyota Dargii) rukutee keessaa basuu-illee, yeroo Dargiin waarana ramadee erguu magalaa keessaaatti loluu hawwii hinhoraane ture. Akkuma mootummoni halagaa adda addaa ( kan akka Faashistii Xaaliyaanii) faa ilaan Oromoo maqaa adda adda itti kennun wal-waraansiaa turan, Dargiin-illee dabaaree isatiin summii adda- addaa ilaan Oromoo giddutti facaasudhaan akka isaan wal-shakkan, walitti gaarreffatan, darbes ammo, wal-rukutani, harka wayyaa jalaatin (lafa-jalatiin) irratti hojachaa turera. Gindabarat itti hanga tokko milka’eera. Gufuu halagaan isaan gidduu dhaabe, Oromoota tokko-tokko gufachise, akka isan walitti bu’an godhera. Rakkon Gindabarat keessa ture kana dha. Obbolewwaan lamaan , Maaccaa fi Tulamaa jechuun wal-hiruun, wal-irratti ka’aa, duulaa turaniru. Kun ammoo dogoggora gudadha ture. Sababii kanaf, Qotee bulaan Gindabaraatti irraa caalaa wal-waraanuu malee tokkummaan ka'ee, Dargii loluu hindandeenye. Gamni(gareen) tokko, Dargii waliin yoo dhabbatu, gamni (gareen) hafee immoo Obbo Asaffaa Maracoo waliin dhabateera.Walitti bu’insi Oromoo giddutti uumame immo Dargiif carraa guddaa ture. Rakkinni (walitti bu’iinsi) kun akka uumamuf irratti hojjachun isani hin-ollee. Waan hundafuu gochaan kalleessa obbolewwan lamaan gidduutti godhamee dogoggora cimaa (hamaa) akka ta'ee namni dhimmaa kana keessa beeku ni hubata.

Dr.Mokonnon Jotee, akeekni inni wixinee qopheese, gutummaatti bakka gahu baatu iyyuu, gama jaarsolitiin hojii guubbaa oleerafi.

Namonni akka Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo, Obbo Wagii Sattoo, Obbo Raggasaa Fayyisaa namuu akka harkaa keenatan hingafane. Jarsoliin Mokonnon Joteetiin ergamaan osoo dhqanii gafatanis akka salphinaan debi’an nibeeku. Firaa Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo keessaa, kan lola gaafa isaa calqabaa fi isaa magalaa Jalduu rukutuu irraatti hirmaate kan ture, Obbo Guddisaa Gamaa Utaala harka kennateera. Obbo Guddisaa Itichaa Layyoo akka harka kennatu gafatamee dideera. Obbolewwaan lamaan Obbo Baqqalaa fi Obbo Atomsaa Urgee, haatii isanii obbolettii Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo waan ta'hateef, Obbo Mulataa Fayisoo Eessumaa isanii irraa (biraa), du'a malee homtuu addaan isaan hinbaasu.
Gootonni Jalduu, akka Kannisa Gaagurri jalaa tuqamte, wal-qabatee, cininnatee Dargii Albaasaa turte, amma olola Dargiin irratti adeemsisa jirun, tokkumaa fi qindominni isanii laafaa, humni isaa xiqaachaa dhufera. Kanaan (Asiin) booda, haalli duraan yadamee ka’ame, ka'uumsi (kaayyon) isaa bakka ga'u hanqachuu isaa irraa kan maddee, Qabsoon hidhannoo akkumaa armaan duraa magalaa keessa garaa baadiyyaatti gad ba'e, amma ammoo baadiyyaa irraa garaa Gammojjitti gad bu’uu dirqmee jira. Akkuma kanaan halaa Gammojjii mijeffachuuf saganteeffame. Dargiin namoota harkaa keenachuu didan mannii fi qabeenyii isaaan akka barbada'u godhudhaan, mannetwaan Obbo Wagii Satto, Obbo Baqqalaa Urgee, Obbo Raggasaa Fayyisaa qabeenya mana keessa jiruu waliin ibidda itti naqan. Raggasaa Fayyisaa qabeenyi innii Abbaa isaa irraa dhaale takka-illee hinjiiru ture. Bu'aa- ba'ii meeqa keessa darbee nama qabeenya hore ture. Magalaa Cobii keessaatti Suqii daldalaa yommuu jalaa saaman, garii ammoo ibidda itti naqaniru.

Gootota Jalduu kessaa, gareen harka Dargiiti kennachu dide, Dargii waliin hanga dhumaatti falmuuf nannoo Ofuu fi Diggoo jedhamun beekamu qubachudhaan achuma qubannee akka lollu kan jedhuu murtiin darbe.. Nanoon kun yoo Xiqatee guddinni isaa lafaa Anaa tokko ti gadii miti. Gotonni Jalduu gara Gamojjii Ofuu fi Diggotti gadii bu'udhaan ummataa ijarudhaan, Dirree walabomtee godhanii irraa qubatame. Waraannii Dargii yoo dhufe, ummata Diggoo of-dubatti hambifne akka lollu kan jedhuu irraatti walii galaamee. Waggii Sattoo, Mulataa Fayyisoo, Guddisaa Itichaa Layyoo, Baqqalaa Urge, Atomsaa Urgee fi namoota biroo waliin karaa (daandii) guddaa Diggootti nama geessuu qabatani akka qubatan taasifame. Bakki lollii itti lolamuu qabuu filamee, Ulaa Rujjaan akka ta'u murtaa'e. Ulaa Rujjan irraatti dha'annoon gariin tolfameera.

Karaa Dirree jedhamuun ammoo Raggasaa Fayyisaa namoota waliin jiiru waliin dhunfateera. Lolli bakki itti ta'u qabuu nannoo Qamaxxee jedhamee bekkamuu akka ta'u hundii iyyuu irraatti waliigaleera.

Gama Ofuu tiin ammo Obbo Jaalataa Abbabaa akka eegu godhameera. Obbo Jalataa Abbabaa Qadiidaa loltota Oromoo waliin ta’e qabateera. Kanaan (asiin) booda, ummataa nannoo sanaa ijaruu irraatti bobba'me (hojjatame).

Umannii nannoo Digoo, Blisomsudhaan sirna nama nyataa Dargii nannoo Diggoo akka ga'u
hindandeeenye irraatti maryatamee laabsameera. Nanoon Diggoo fi Ofuu osoo Dargidhaan wal- hinbeekiin waggoota lamaa oliif walabomtee jirateeritti.

Guyyaa gaafa tokko Diggoo bakka qubannee jirru irraa garaa Ofuu dhaquuf(deemuf) osoo deemnuu namni “Luluu” jedhamu, akkumaa Obbo Raggasaa Fayyisaa duura deemaa jirutti itti dhufe. Obbo Raggasa fi Luluun duranuu wal-beeku. Yeroo heedduu Obbo Raggasaa waan tokko yoo garaa isaa ga’e ykn hanqate, Ayyanaa Inni ittin amanu, Jaben, galateeffata. Akkuma Luluu argeen “yaa Jaaben innuma jirtaa?, bakkumaan jirutti naa fiddee?”, jedhee. Luludhaan, “namni akka kee kun ummataa keenya keessaa qulqula'au qabidii”, jechudhan tarkanfi adabaa isaa dhumaa irraatti fudhate. Luluun Gojjamee Xaanqoyii (witchcraft) fi jiraataa magalaa Jalduu ture. Namni isa hinbekine hin turre.! Waan adda- addaa nan godhaa jedhee ......namoota irraa horii namaa nyataa ture. Obbo Raggasaa Fayyisaa yeroo inni Dargiin loluuf qopha'u sana namichaa Lulu jedhmu kanaan wal-arganii bayyee waliin dubatani ture. Luluun Raggasadhaan "Qorichaa” Xonqoola waan mara jalaa kan sibasuu( ittisu), siifan hojjadha, rasaasni yommu sitti dhuka'ees akka sihinrukunnee/ sinajjefnee godha jeechuun, qarshii kumotaan lakkawwaman fudhateera. Kanaan booda rasaasni isa rukutu akka hindaandeenye Obbo Raggasaan ergaa hubachuseen booda, Obbo Raggasaan namicha Lulu jedhamu kana shakuu isaa irraa kan ka'een egaa anaaf nagoteerita, Fardaan yabadhee adeemutis na godhii, akka najalatti hinrukkunnee jeedheen. Fardafis ammumaa sana Obbo Raggasaan Luluuf kaffalee (baasee). Xonqayii Gojjamee kan tahate Luluun, armaan booda atis ta’e Fardi ke rasasii Matriyesii-illee rukkutuu akka hindaandeenyee Obbo Raggasaa ergaa hubachiseen booda horii isaa amaarratee gara mana isaatti deb’ee. Raggasaa Fayyisaa goyyoota murtaween booda mee nan mirkaneefadha jedhee, Fardaa isaa Sangaa (Stalone) ittiin loluuf itti Xonoqolchifate kana goodatti (dirretti) gadii basee rasaasa gadii yoo itti dhiisuu, sangaan Fardaa Luluun itti xonqole jedhee horii nyaate, gooda (dirree) irraa diriree. Fardi Obbo Raggasaa galaafatame. Luluun horii Raggasaa gowwomsitee akka fudhate Raggasaan hubatee (mirkanessifatee), gaabbin qubaa isaa nyaate. Iccitti kana dhokfatee osoo jiruu, Luluun karaa gubbaa irraatti argatee, "Jabeen bakkan jirutti na fidee!” kan inni jedhee kana irraatti.

Kun osoom kanaan jiiru, Qeesiin Mamiree Mammoo Abiree jedhamu tokko, “Taaboota
Aabboo” jedhamu mana sagadaa (Bataskaana ykn ‘Church’) isaa keessaa basee, uffata baaqqee tokkon mare, bakka nuti jirruu Dirree ti fide. Abboonis Dargidhaan loluuf bosoonatti gale jechu dha. Yeroo sana sammuu kiyyaa keessa kan jiru, akkumaa har’ra Qesonni jibbaa Oromoo fi afaan Oromoom irraa qaban,“Taabonni deemuu diide” , yoo jeedhaan sababni isaa Qubee jibbee jedhan kana, yeroo sanas namni tokko, Taaboota huccuun marmaree, bobaa jala godhate, gammojji nuti jirrutti fida kan jedhuu bekumsa (amantii) hinqaabu ture. Mammiree Mammoo Abireetin carqii (uffata) sana Taaboticha irraa fudhee akka nu agarsiisu goone. Ajaaiba! Ture. Waan hundafu Mammoo Abbiree Taaboota Aabboo jedhamuu kana holqaa dhagaa tokko keessa akka godhuu taasifame. Mammoo Abbiree waggota lamaa oliif erga nuwaliin tureen booda, dhuma irratti harka Dargitti kufee, gara waggota jahaa (6) mana hidhaa turuun, ergaa hikkameen booda, magalaa Ambootti galee amma-illee achuma jiraata.

Dargiin itti deb'ee lola osoo hinbaniin baatii jaha (6) ta’era. Namoota armaan duura nuwaliin Dargiin loola turan barnoota siyasaa keennuun, debisanii ijaruun, waliin ta'anii, gara Diggootti Duuluuf ka'niiru (qophaniru). Gara (gama) keenyaan ammoo akka waraannii Dargii ummataa qabatee duulaaf gara keenyaatti dhufaa jiiru dhageenyeera. Gama Daandii Diggootti namaa geessuu, ummata Diggoo of-duubatti hambisudhan Ulaan Rujjaan jedhamu dhunfanatameera (qabanne jirra). Dargiin, kan ofi isaa nucabsu yaalee dhadhabe, Oromoo-Oromoon cabsuf, wal-irratti nuduulchisunf qindaa’ee dulutti jira.

Kutaa 6ffaan itti fuufa.

Seenaa Gababaa gootota Jalduu - Kutaa 4ffaa

2010-02-20T23:57:00.007-05:00

Tolchaa Wagii Irraa

Kutaa 3ffaa irraa kan itti fufe

Akkumaan kutaa 3ffaa keessaatti ibsuu yaale, gotoonni Oromoo Jalduu guyyaa gaafa Jimaataa, lola cimadhan adeemsifamen waraana Dargii akka malee rukutudhan qaaneessanii ofi irra ittisanudan dubatti akka inni deebi’u taasisaniru. Waraana kana irrattis Meeshalewaan waraanaa gurguddaan adda addaas boji'ameera. Injifannoo irraatti injifannoo galmeesuun funduuraatti demaa kan jiiru, lolli Qotee bulaa Oromoo Jalduu, onnachdhaan sagantaa itti aanu magalaa Ginicii fi Amboo rukutuuf sagantaa bafateera.

Gama hundaan lolli kun akka itti fuufu danda'u, Kabbadaa Buzunash akka ummata Metaa Robii qabatee ka'u itti ergameera. Salalee irraa Muluu Wasanutti ergameera. Asaffaa Maracoo magalaa anaa Gindabarat kan "Kachisii" to'annoo isaa jala erga olichee bubuleera. Finfinne ykn Ambo irraa karaan gara Gindabarat nama geesu, karaa Jalduu malee waan hinjirreef, Jalduu keessa ammoo darbuu waan hinkajelamne waan ta'eef, waraanni Gindabaratdeeme hinturre.

Qophiin gara funduuratti deemuu ergaa murtae'ee xumurameen booda, namonni hundii iyyuu lola irra waan oolaniif, fuula namoota hunda irraa iyyuu mallatton dadhabbii hindubifama ture. Magalaa Jalduu Bargamoo (Eucalyptus tree) waan bayyatuuf, magalitti of dubatti hanbisudhaan godaa mana baruumsaa keessa fi bakkoota adda addaa qabachudhaan nami maritnuu cinaacha lafaan ga'e.

Sanbata Duraa, Amajjii 22

Dukkanni ifaaf bakka gadii dhisuu geeseeritti. Sinbirrii wacuu eegalaan, bakka jiran hundaa ka'udhaan garaa Gincii deemuuf hundi iyyuu sona'e ka'ee jiira. Dargiin qaanii fi salphina armaan duura irraa ga'eetti aarudhaan, warana kumoota hedduu lakkwaaman kan birgeedii tokko ol ta'an gadi ergeera. Qophii kanaan osoo jirruu fageenya irraa konkolatwaan loltoota Dagii fe'ee otoo wal-irraa hincinne gara keenyaatti gadii dhufuu adeemu mirkaneeffane.

Qotee bulaan Jalduu waraana dhufaa jiiru kana, shakki tokko malee fulaa fi fulatti lolee akka barbadeessu hogantota waraana kanaatiin qajelfamni kennameera. Akkumaa arman duraa, magalaa Jaldu of dubatti hanbisudhaan, karaa afuriin bakkii qabatamee egame. Kana jechun, waraanni Dargii, otoo magalaa Jaldu hinseenin, waraanan simachuf qophin godhame.

Amma ganama keessa sa'a 6:00 AM ta’era. Bakka qabannee jirachuu keenya nu arganiiru.

Waraanni Dargii nutti dhiyaate dhukaasa osoo hincalqabin dura arraba calqaban. "Ante galla iji'in sixi, ijji'iin sixi ......", jeecha gara keenyaatti akka allatti raqaa argee girrisani dhufan. Akkuma saliphatti nu ar'anii waan qaban itti fakkate ture. "Qotee bulaan Jalduu harka kennisisuu malee, harka keeninee hinbekinu " jeecha jeedhuu debisudhaan, lolli roga arfaninuu itti baname.

Lollii kun lola armaan dura godhame irraa bayyee ulifata tauf adeema. Waranni Dargii rasaasa fi matriyesii akka bokkaa gadii robsudhaan mannetiwaan jirenyaa nama barbadeesse. Akeekni isaani cabsani magalaa seenuuf tuure; garuu cabsuu hindandeenye.
Lola magalaa to'annoo isanii jala olichuuf godhame kana irraatti, akka firii harbuu harca'ani. Qotee bulaan jalduu tokko-tokkin isan qaarme.

Gama gootota Jaldutiin kan itti fiiguus hinturre, kan baqatuus hinturre. Rasasni dhukaatu qiyyafametee waan ta'eef laafa hinbuutuu ture. Loltonni Dargii akka malee dhumani ture. Akka durani afaaniin arabni "shintam galla"ijji hin six" kan jeedhu amma hinjiiru. Dhaabbate jira. Reenfa isaai funanuu qoofa ta’e hojin isani.

Lolli ganama sa'a 6:00 AM calqabamee otoo wal-irraa hincitin hanga guyyaa sa'a 12:00PM tti ture. Gara keenyaan namni lola kana irratti du'e, jirataa magalaa Jalduu kan ture fi hojii daldalaa irraatti kan boba'ee ture Obbo Kaasaa Guutaa Uluuqaa qofa ture. Obbo Kasaan akkuma lolli banameen mana barumsaa Jalduu funduuraatti kufe. Naminni biroo kan du'e ykn kan madawee hinturre. Lollii qabbanawe. Boqqonaa sa'a walkaan booda waranni Dargii haaraan ramadamee dhufuun waraana itti fufe. Innis akkuma dhufeen akka baalaa harca'e.

Lollii guyyaa Sanbata duraa godhamee kun Dargii heedduu kan rifachise yommu ta’u, Oromoota Jalduu ammoo kan onnachise ta'ee. Guyyaa sana waraanaa Dargittif, Hilikopitarri waan adda-addaa dhiyessa fi akka turte ni agarra ture. Hilikoptarri guyyaa gutuu nu irraa marsaa olitte. Karaan gara Jalduutti nama gessuu goodaa (badaasaa ykn diree) waan ta'eef kan faggeenya irraa duufu hunda to'annoof namatti tolaa ture. Waraanni kumotan lakkawamaan ammas dabalamuu isaani hinarginaa ture. Waraanni Dargii inni booda irra dhufe, akkuma jiruun meshalee waraanaa gurgudatti gargaramudhaan, kan dhume dhumee gara tokkon cabsee magalaa walakka ga'e. Lolli amma magalaa keessatti ta'ee.

Lolli magalaa keessatti ka'ee eegalee osoo wal irraa hincitiin, amma galgala 7:00PM itti fuufe. Waraanni Dargii duubaa dabalamaa dhuufe. Gara gootota Jaldutiin dadhabbi fi rasaasnis haphachaa dhuufe. Dukkaniis bakka qabachuuf waan deemuuf, roga arfaan jiran irraa iyyuu , walitti ergudhaan gara daandii kolu irraatti walitti dhufamu godhame.

Kasaa Gutaa malee namni tokko iyyuu akka hinduune, walhubachisudhan, osoo jirruu, Assaffaa Maracoo Magalaa gudditti Gindabarat yeroo rukutu baqatanii kan lubbun ba'ani kaadironni fi Bulchaa anaa Gindabarat ta'udhaan ummata rakkisaa kan tuure Gojjameen Mahitamee Bakuru jedhamu milishoota gara 200 qabatee dhufuun dhagayame.

Mahitamee Bakuruu dhufee koluu ga'uu isaa akkuma dhaga'ameen, qabuu ykn ajjesuuf gara Kolutti hundii iyyuu qajeele. Milishonni namichaa yakkama kana faana dhufaan ijollee ummata Gindabarat keessa ba'anidha. Akkuma dhufatii keenya dhaga'aniin cinqamudhaan, dallaa bal’aa dhagaan ijaramee, kan warra nafixanyoota Daj.Mangistuu jedhaan ijarsisaan keessatti nam’ani ta'an. Dalla knatti marsine.

Milishonni achi keessa jiran, “Obbo Wagii, Obbo Mulataa, Obbo Mogoraa ani ilma abaluuti, nuti ijollee eenyuuti ….” jechuun iyyatan (watwaatan). “Namni isiin tuqu hinjiiru!” jennen. Namicha yakamaa Mahitamee dabarsanii akka kennan gaafataman. Matamee dabarsanii nutti kennun rakkisaa isanitti ta'ee; namicha yakkamaa kana waliin Polisonni fi Daballon heedduutu jiira ture.

Gama kanan ammoo ijollee ummataa keessa ba'ani milishoota irraatti dhukasa banuun rakkisa ta’e argame, nutis isaan dhifnee deemuu filanne. Mahitamee Bakuru nu harkaa ba'ee. Namichii yakkama kun Qabsa'aa Oromoo Arga'oo Dinqaa nama qabsisee ajjesise ture.

Erga achii deminee booda gara nannoo "Malkaa" jedhamuu qubanne. Boqqonnaa erga godhaneen booda Cobii gandaa Mogoraa Tujjo tti gadii qajeelle. Bariitu, guyyaan Sanbaata gudadha. Magalaa Jalduu keessaa warana Dargii isa akka awanisaa ya'u malee naminni tokko illee hinjiiru. Naminni daldalaan magalaa sanaa kan ta'ee Obbo Dhabaa Hayyuu, ani homaa hingonee jedhee, Qawwee isaa fudhatee isaan bira harka keenachuu dhaqaa. Dhabaa Hayyuu akkuma achii ga'een Qawwee irraa fudhanii harkaa dubatti hidhanii ajjesuu dhageenye. Naminni gaddeef hinjiru. Maal gochuu dhaqee?. baga kan jeedhuu male. Kanaan (asiin) booda, lollii gootota Jalduu fi Dargii giddutti adeemaa jiru magalaa keessaa gara dirreetti/Godaatti waan baate fakkate.

Amajjii 24

Sanbata fi hojjaa duraa (Monday &Sun day), lollii hintuure. Namonni hundi iyyuu rasaasa barbachiisu fi dadhabbii irraa turan irraa dandamachutti turani. Cobii, nannoo Gubbaa Sirbaa bakka jeedhamu jiira. Fageenya irraa yoo ilaalu, aara lafa irraa gara sam'itti ol ka'u bakkota adda adaatti hinmul’ataa ture.

Waraanni Dargii mannetiwwaan ummataa guggubaa akka jiran hubanne. Namonnis dhufani gabaasasan. Mana itti dhufan hunda, ibidda itti naqaa gara keenyaatti dhufaa jiiru. Akkuma kun dhaga'amen ammas osoo isaan gara keenya hinga'iin bakka isaan jiran akka dhaqinuu kan jedhu murteesudhan, onnee gutudhaan itti qajeelame.

Adeemsa sa’a tokkon booda bakka "Ulaa Maruus"jedhamutti walitti dhufne. Lola kana irraatti ammas waraanni Dargii akka malee rukutamee. Dhignni akka bishanii dhangala'ee. Gootota Jalduu keessaa kan du'ee Obbo Awulachoo Balchaa qofa ture. Lolli kun mana isaa ( Obbo Awulachoo Baalchaa) biratti waan calqabameef akkuma tasaa rasasni waraana Dargii irraa buute. Lolli Ulaa Marusitti calqabamee, loltota Dargii ari'udhan amma (hanga) Abaro itti geesse. Bakka lolli itti ka'ee fi bakka lolli itti dhabatee gara kilometra 10 caala. Abaro maqaa lafati. Qotee bulaan Jalduu waraana Dargii Ulaa Maruus irraa hanga Abarotti ergaa ari’een booda biraa hafee.

Kanaan booda waraanni Dargii salphinaan reenfa isaa kan danda'ee funannatee kan dadhabe gatee gara dhufeetti deb'u dirqame. Gootota Jalduu kan mirgaa isani fi biyya isanii gubbatti lolan, humnaan rukutanii balleesuu waan hindandenyee ta'ee waan isanitti mulateef, Dargiin Lollo kun karaa nagatiin akka dhuumu kara bulchitoota kutichaa namoota itti ramadudhaan akka halli kun qabana'u siyaasa olola, siyasaa adeemsiise.

Haala kana irraati ramdamudhan yeroo sana kan dhufe bulichaa kutaa shawaa yeroo sanaa Dr.Mokonnon Jotee ture. Mokonnon Jotee, lola kana dhamisu fi qabaneesuuf Jalduu qubate jira.

Kutaa 5ffaan itti fufa.

Seenaa Gabaabaa Gootota Jalduu - Kutaa 3ffaa

2010-02-20T23:25:00.003-05:00

Tolchaa Wagii Irraa

Kutaa 2ffaa irraa kan itti fufe

Amajjii 20

Amajjiin 20, guyyaa gaafa kamisaati. Reenfi obbo Mokkonon Barii bakka dhaloota isaa "Bonnii" jedhamun bekkamuti bakka maatiin isaa jiranitti geesudhaan kabajaan ergaa awwalameen booda, garaa magalaa Jalduutti, waliga'ii wamameetti akkumaa armaan duura sanatti karaa adda addatiin seename.

Yeroo magalaa seennu, ummanni Aanaa Jalduu Keessaatti argamu kumoota heedduutti kan lakkawamu hidhannoo gutuu waliin dhiyatee jiira. Namonni anaa jalduu keessa jiratan dhiirrii takka-illee hinhafine yoon jedhee sooba dubbachuu koo miti.

Akeekni walga'ichaa dabaree-dabareedhaan, Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo fi Obbo Wagii Sattoo tiin ibsame. Ibsi kunis, Sirnaa nama nyataa Dargii/Mangistuu, kan Qawwee keenya amma nu hikkachisee, gulana (booda) immo hadha manaa keesaniis keennaa nun jedhuf adeemu kana, barbadeesuuf hidhannee kaaneerra; Isinis (hummanii) Onnee fi hidhannoo keessan jabeefadhati, nu walii ka'aa kan jedu fi dhamsaa gotummaa dabarsu dha.

Ummanni waliga'ii sana irraatti argamuuf yaa’ee achii ture hundi, gammachuun harka rukutee, lola Dargii waliin godhamu irraatti hundi isani iyyuu akka hirmatan raggasisan. Qawween Dargii irraa boja'mee ture heeduu waan ta'eef namoota Qawwee hinqabinee hiramee, warri hidhannoo argatanis loluuf of Qopheessan. Guyyaa magalaan Jalduu to'annoo jala olite namonnni adda-addaa fi kashalabonni magalaa keessa jiran hundi Qawwee gurratanii waan turanif, magaalan akka sakkata'mu tasisudhaan Qawween dhibootan lakkawwamu walitti gurrame. Aduun dhi'ee dukkanni yeroo bakka isaa qabatu,Magalaa Jalduu irraa kilo-metra 7 kan fagaatu mana Obbo Guddisaa Tufaa "Qoofitu" qubannee.

Amajjii 21

Amajjiin 21 guyyaa gafa Jimaata ture. Lola funduuratti godhamuuf deemuuf guyyaa kun murteessa ture. Qotee bulaa Jalduu mirga isaaf loluuf qophawee bakka sanatti argaman, bifa- bifaan ijaaruun (gurmessun) barbachisaa ture. Miseensota keenya isan duraa kan turani fi kanneen lola Amajji 19 irratti argamuu hindandenye kan akka Obbo Raggasaa Fayisaa fi Obbo Mogoraa Tujjo hidhanno gutuu waliin dhiyataniiru.

Mogoora Tojjoo: Obboleeyan isaa Gobasaa Tujjoo, Haruu Tojjoo, Boranaa Tujjoo fi Ummatoota Cobii qabatee dhiyateera.

Raggasaa Fayyisaa: Obboleyaan isaa isaan Ofuu fi Diggoo jiraatan waliin dhiyateera.

Dirribaa Korjoo, Dirribsaa Damee fi Angaasuu Yaadatee: Abeebee kuluu irraa, namoota heedduu waliin, hidhanno gutuu waliin dhufaniiru.

Cobii, Ofuu, Diggo, fi Abeebe maqaa bebekkamo nannolee Aanaa Jaldu kessatti argamaniti. Akka seera waraanatti namoonni hundii bakka afuritti ijaraman. Mul’ataa Fayyissoo, Mogoora Tujjoo, Wagii Satto, fi Raggasaa Fayyisaa jalatti ta'u isaati.

Meshaleen Dargii irraa guramees akkuma sana bakka afuritti hiramee haala qindaa'een qophawamaa osoo jiiru, namni maqaa isaa yadachuu hindandeenyee tokko Jalduu irraa osoo katuu, kan afuurri cite, nubira ga'ee. Maal tahate?? jeenannan:"dhumtan!, dhumtan!, inni mataa Okolee Jalduutti nam’ee jedhee". Kan “inni mataa Oklee” jedhu, loltota Dargii warra qobii sibila (helmet)kawwaatu jechuu isati.

Isatti aansee, odeefannoo jiiru akka gabaasu magaala kessatti kan ramadame Obbo Diroo Ayyaano fardan gulufee dhufee, waranni akka magalaa Jalduu weerare gabaase. Basaasaan inni itti aanu ammoo "Ummatoota magalaa kessatti argan hundaa shifataa fidaa!", jedhanii reebaa akka jiran nuuf gabase.

Akkuma dhugaan kun dhaga'ameen magalaan Jalduu ammas lola isa marsaa lammataa keessumeesuuf ademti. Hoganoota warana afran (arfan) qabnu kanatiin sagantan lolaa ariitin (hatataman) qopha'ee, magalaa Jalduu bakka isaan (loltoni Dargii) jiranitti karaa afuriin lolli akka itti banamu taasifame.

Ramaddin waraanas akkan ture:

Karaa daandii Koluu - Mogoora Tojjoo ,
Karaa daandii Kilbee- Mulataa Fayyisoo
Karaa dhaaba Sangoota - Wagii Satto
Karaa daandii Biichoo - Raggasaa Fayyisaa

Hogantoni kunis waraana isaanii ramadamee waliin kutannodhaan gara magalaa jalduutti socho’an. Dandii Koluu, Dandii Kilbee, Daaba Sagoota fi Dandii Biicho maqaalee Dandii (roads) guguddo magalaa Jaldu kessati.

Magalaa Jaliduutti dhiyachuuf kilo metrri 2 yommu hafuu, waraannii Dargii dhiboota heeddhun lakkawaman magalaa keessa gadii ba'ani "Matriyeesii"qaban hundaa camadatanii nu'eegan.Yoom biira geenyee isaan barbadeesiina kan jedhuu male, sodaa kan jedhamu takka-illee nukessa hinturre.

Dhiyeenyaan meetra gara 800 yeroo haafu gara Dargitiin dhukasni nutti baname. Roga arfaninuu lolli saaqame. Gama Dargitiin rasaasni Matriyeesii akka bokkaa gadii roobu, waan lafa irraatti nama hanbisuu hinfakkatu ture.

Lolli kun kan saaqame ganama kessaa sa’a 11:00AM ture. Lolli hamaan Qotee bulaa Jalduu fi warana Dargii Jiddutti geggeeffamee kun salpha hinturre. Kan Dargiin lolitoota meeqa itti dhabe ta'e.

Warannii Dargii karaa Wagii Sattoo lolun hiriree ture baqatee deemeera. Mulataa Fayyisoos gama isatin, Meesha waranaa heedduu gachisisee boji'eera. Waranni karaa Mogoraa Tojjo jiiru ammoo waraana Dargii bakka lamatti addan kute: Isaan kan yommu baqatan, isaan kan harkaa keennuu didanii ajjefamaniru; gariin isani ammo mada'waniiru.

Namni Lammii Oromo ta'ee, kan maqaan isaa ‘ajajaa shantamaa’ Bekaa jedhamuu yeroo amma magalaa Amboo keessa jiratu, Qawwee isaa Mahazii waliin bojia'ame ture. Beekaan rakkon tokko-illee irraa hingeenyee. Yerodhuma sana gara dhufeetti akka debu'u tasifame.

Lola hamaa 11:00 hanga Sa’a 2:00PM godhame kanaan waraanni Dargii akka malee rukutamee, meshalewaan waraana adda – addaa, rasasaa heedduu waliin ergaa boja'meen booda, loltoota Dargii rukutamani, lubbuun keessa jiru mana yaalaa "Gabayyoo" jedhamu biraatti geffamanii akka yalaman tasifame.

Amajjiin 21 guyyaa injiffaannoo bonsaa ta'ee galmefame. Lola guyyaa gaafa Jimataa sana namonni Jalduu har’a-illee akka seenaatti dubbatu. Injifannoon bonsaan guyyaa kana galma'ee irraa calattuu namoota asiin dura osoo qooda hinfudhatiin hafaan hunda hirmachisu danda’u isati.

Onnee gutuun ka'uun, sagantaa itti anuu maal ta'u akka qabuu murtin irra gahame. Innis Magalaa Gincii fi Amboo rukutuu ture. Giinciin Jalduu irraa kilometra 35 fagaatti. Guyyan sun galgala'ee (aduun dhitee) ture. Boru ganama waraani keenya gara Giincitti soso'a. Namonni hundii isanii iyyuu lola irraa waan oolanif dadhaban ture. Sababi kanaf, Dirree kubbaa milaa kan mana barumsaa Jalduu qabatamee, achii bullee, ganama sa'a ja'a yommu ta'ee gara Giincitti deemuuf yeroo qophofnu, Meeshaa waranaa kan fagoo irraa ittin ilalaan (Teleskopii) dhan yommu to’tamu, konkolatan waraana baatu (Ifaa) lakkofsaan gara 50 kan ta'u osoo wal-irraa hincitiin karaa qabatee gadii dhufaa jirachun hubatame.

Dirreen Jalduu ammas lola ulfaataa isa 3ffaa gegeesuu qadhi'mamteti fakkata. Waranni Dargii kumootan lakkawaamna konkolaata irraa harca'ani, nubiira ga’uuf kilo meetra tokkotu nugiduu jiira.

Kutaa 4ffaan itti fufa

Seenaa Gabaabaa Gootota Jalduu - Kutaa 2ffaa

2010-02-20T22:55:00.005-05:00

Loola magalaa Jalduu Dargii irraa bilisa basuuf godhame
Tolchaa Wagii Irraa

Kutaa 1ffaa irraa kan itti fufe

Baatii Amajjii Bara 1978 Magalaa Jalduu rukutanii to'annoo jaala olichuun gaffii keessa hingallee.

Magalaa Jalduu keessa Daballonni Dargii yeroo sana dirree irraatti nama ajjesuuf mirga gutuu qaban heeduu ta'uu isaniin gamaatti, warani fi milishonni dhibootan lakkawaman magaalitti keessa qubachuun ummatoota magalaa fi badiyyaa keessa jiraatu ciinqaa turani.

Magalaa Jalduu irraatti loola banuuf,beellaminni guyyaa gaafa "Xiimqataa" Amajjii 19, 1978 bellamame ykn murta’e. Hidhannoo akka garitti qopheefachuun gamatti,namoota lola kana irraatti hirmatan qindeessuun irratti qophin godhame ture.Akka kanaan, karaa Obbo Mulataa Fayyisootiin Obbo Asaffaa Maracootti ergaan ergame. Asaffaa Maracoo nama Aanaa Gindabarati ti. Aanaan Jalduu fi Aanaan Gindabarat walin olla dha.

Asaffaa Maracoo, lola magalaa Gindabarati irratti ta’uf malu yoo ta'ee malee, lola Jalduti ta’uf ademu irratti dhufee qooda fudhacu akka hinbarbanne addesse. Itti dabales,”yoommu isiin Jaldu rukuttan, ani ammo gama kiyyan Kachisiin rukuuta” jedhe. Magaalan gudditti Aanaa Gindabarati Kaachisii jedhamun beekamti. Magaalan jalduu immo ”Gojjoo” ille jedhuni.

Karaa gama obbo Wagii Sattotiin akeekni waraanaa kun Daj.Kabbadaa Buzunesh itti ergaan ergame. Kabbadaa Buzunesh "yeroon hingeenye” jechuun akka hindufne fii waraana kana irratti hin-hirmaanne bekisise.

Lola isa caalqabaa irraatti kan hirmatan namonni beekkamon kan akka Obbo Raggasaa Fayyisaa fi akka Obbo Mogoora Tujjoo hinargamne beekisisaan.

Obbo Mogoraa fi obbo Raggasaan lola godhamuuf adeemu kana keessatti qooda irraa fudhachuu baatan-illee guyyaan murtawee, Amajiin 19,1978 guyyaa keessa 2:00 PM akkuma kabajameetti ture.

Gaafa 01/18/78 halkan, Jalduu irraa kilo- meetra 15 irraatti fageenyaan kan argamtu fi lafa "Qooftuu" jedhamtu, mana obbo Mulataa Fayyisooti ol’itti, Tulluu argamtu tokko gubbatti akka hidhannoo gutuun argaman wal-hubachiisan.

Nannoo Qooftuu, Qarree mana Mulataa Fayyisoo gubaaatti ba'uun sochii magalaa Jalduu Telescophaan to'achuu gaarii tuure. Gotoonni lola kana irraatti hirmachuuf wadaa galaan heedduu ta'ani iyyuu, guyyaa jedhameetti namonnii hidhannoo gutuu waliin dhufaan bayyee xiqadha.

sochii waranaa fi Daballoota Dargii kan basaasuu Basastonni keenya, heedduun magalaatti ramadamani ture. Magalaa Jalduu irratti dhukasaa banuuf hidhannoo isanii gutuu waliin kan argaman baay’inaan namoota 16 qofa.

Isaan keessa ani fi obboloeessi kiyyaa, Dirribsaa Wagii abba keenyatu nufudhatee dhaqee malee, bayy’ee da'ima turre. Maqaallewwaan lolaa kana irratti argamuuf Qarree jedhamee irratti dhufan:

1. Mulataa Fayyisoo
2. Wagii Sattoo
3. Baqqalaa Urgee
4. Atomsaa Urgee
5. Tolasaa Haata'u
6. Kabbadaa Taffarra
7. Alamuu Mul’ataa
8. Laggasaa Tolasaa
9. Guddisaa Tufaa
10. Mokkonoon Barii
11. Dirribsaa wagii
12. Shifarraa Zawudee
13. Tafarii Makuriyaa
14. Zawudee Makuraa
15. Guddisaa Itichaa
16. Tolchaa wagii ture

Jarrewaan kun hundi isanii,anaa fi obbolleessa kiyya irraa kan haaf, bifilee(sharp-shooters)dha turani. Dirreen Jalduu haatii seenaa waraana isa calqabaa keessumeesuuf of qopheesitee sa'aa murasatu haafe. Guyyaan kun "Ximqata waan ta'eef taaboonni bahe galuu jalqabeera. Dabbalotaa fi warana humna Polsitti gamatti, milishoonni 300 ol ummata keessaa filamanii, hidhatanii, magalaa eegaa turan.

Lola sa'a 2:00 PM banamuuf sa'aa 1:00 PM irraa Qarree (Tulluu) irra jirruu irraa, namonni 16 hoomaa waranaa Jalduu kessa qubatee jiru bittinneessuuf gara magalaatti hamillee fi kutannoo gutudhaan Jalduutti qajeelan. Ulaan magalaa sanaa karra 8 tiin namonnii lama-lama ta'ani magalaa marsanii akka seenaan qajelifamini keennamee ture.

Dhukasinni innii duraa Buufata Polsii irraatti akka banamuu yoo ta'u,dhukasaa kana Baqqaqlaa Urgee eebbisee akka banuu taasifamee. Baqqalaa Urgee, Alamuu Mulataa waliin karaa dubaa seenuun, bufata Polisii irraatti dhukaasa duraa banan. Ulaa undaan (saddettaninuu) namonni senaan, polisii fi waraanaa irraatti rasaasa akka bokkaa gadi roobsan.

Waranni fi polisonni magaalaa kessa jiran dhukasa hamaa (cimaa) godhan-illee,gotoota Jalduu funduura dhabachuu hindandeenye. Dabballonnii fi warri ibida kana qabsisan lubbuu isanitiin baqatanii yoo ba'an, namni qomoo Oromoo ta'e bulchaa polisii, "Ajajaa shantamaa" ture fii Olii jedhamuu bufataa polisii gadii lakkisuu diide loluu calqabe. Inni loluma kana irraatti harka keennuu irraa du'u filate.

Lola magalaa Jalduu Dargii irraa blisomsuuf godhame kana irraatti Obbo Mokkonnon Barii rasaasa Polisii maqaan isaa Lammii jedhamuu irraa dhukateen rukutamee kufe. Lola ho'aa sa'aa lamaan booda, magalaa Jalduu to'annoo jala olchuun ,Jaarsol biyyaa fi namoota bebeekkamoo sababii Qawweetiin hidhmani kan reebamaa turan, kan akka: Obbo Raggasaa Yaadatee, Raggasaa Bultoo,Gonfaa yaadatee, Mulata Banti, Doyyoo Nurasaa Tujjoo fijarsaa wagga 80 ol turan, obbo Gosoomaa Turaa dabalatee, namonni 70 ol mana hidha keessaa gadii lakkifaman.

Akkuma Jalduu to'anno jala oliteen Asaffaa Maracoo akkuma duraan jeedhee sana magalaa Gindabarati, Kachisii irraatti tarkanfii fudhachuun Dargii irraa blisoomse toanno jala oolche.

Lollii kun lola ulfataa ta'uu iyyuu gara keenyaan kan du'ee nama tokko qofa ture. Kara Dargiitiin loltonnii heeduun dua'ani iyyuu, namonnii barbadmaan: bulichaa waradaa yeroo sanaa fi Dabaloonni Dargii gara isaan ga'an arguu hundandeenye. Milishonnii Ummataa keessa filamanii, hidhatanii achii turan, carraan qabaan harka keennuu waan ta'eef, lakkofsaan 300 kan caalan boja'amani.Hundii isanii iyyuu Qawwee hidhatan lafa naqanii gara maatii isanitti deb'ani.

Magalaa Jalduu to'annoo jaala olichuuf lola hamaa godhamaa jiru kana irraatti itti gafatamaan dabbaloota wa'ee lafaa Dargiin shomamee achii ture,harka keennuu irra, kaatee mana silkii ykn Bilbilaa yoo seenuu achumaatti haafe.

Lola sa'a 2 booda Magalaan Jalduu fashistoota Dargii irraa blisaa baate. Dhukasnii dhabbate. Polisiin Mokonnon ajjesee, Lammii kan jedhamu ture. Mulataa Fayyiso fi Wagii Satto magalaa nanawanii yommu toatanii debi'an, Lammiiti dhufan. “Lammiin jeechaan si'ii?” jedhee, isa rukutudha yoo Mulatan gadi fudhatuu, Wagii Satto irraa dhowee, Lammii qabee mana isaa gessee, hadha manaa isatiin akka mana kanaa gadii hinbafne jedhee itti himee adeeme. Lammin mana isaa adabatee ta’utu irra jiraa ture.

Lammiin Mokonnon ajjeesuu hundii keenya iyyuu waan beknuuf Mulataan karaa birotiin naannawee, humna warana Dargii harcatee yommu to'atu, Lammiin “akka manaa hinbanee” kan Wagii Satto jedheen dhisee, karaa gubbaa dhaabataa ture.

Lammiin battalummaatti Mulataa Fayyisotiin ajjefame.

To’anno Magalatiin booda,tarkanfiin inni duraa hidhamtoota mana hidhaa keessa jiran hiikuu waan ta'eef, mana kutaa tokkitti keessaatti,namonnii 70 ol,jarsoliin kabajamonni, hidhamanii waan jiraniif, hidha Dargii irraa bilisa ba'han.

Manni hidhaa, galmee keessa jiruu waliin akka ibiddii itti naqamuu godhame. Qawween Dargiin Qotee-bulaa Oromoo hikkachisee gara 2000 ol mana tokkoo gutee waan jiruuf, innii akka abbaa Qawwetii debu' taasifame. Meeshaa waranaa Dargiin achitti walitti qabee hundii to’annoo jala oole. Qawwee kaneen, namonnii mana hidhatii ba'an maritti akka hidhatan godhame.

Amajjii 19,bara 1979 guyyan injifannoo kun galgalaaf yeroo bakka gadii dhiisu,Ummatoota Anaa Jalduu maraaf, akkasumas Meetaa Robiif, Dandiif borumtii isaa gaafa Amajii 20, akka wal- ga'ii (yaaii) guddan godhamuu wamichi maqaa Obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo fi, Obbo Wagii Sattotiin godhame labsame.

Galgala sana, Magalaa jalduu irraa Kilo Metraa 8 faggachuun, Injifannoo argameetti gamaduun, geerarsa dhirumma fi gootummaan itti gadii fudhaan. Maritti iyyuu osoo hinrafiin geeraraa bulan.

"Haa qootu Boorrii,
Haa lolu goonnii,
Goota hin-dhowwiin (hindhoorkini) naduraa;" jeechii jedhu irraa deb'ameeti sirbamaa ture.

Kutaa 3ffaan itti fufa

Seenaa Gabaabaa Gootota Jalduu - Kutaa 1ffaa

2010-02-20T21:59:00.007-05:00

Tolchaa Wagii Irraa

Mataa duree seenaa kanaa jalatti namonni wa'ee seenaa kana beekan akkan ballinaan barreesuu yeroo adda addaa [na gaafatanii jiru.] Kana irraatti hunda'udhan, qaamaan keessaatti hirmaadhee wanaan beekuuf, osoo irraa hin-irrisiin ykn itti hindabaliin gababisee kutaa kutadhaan dhiyeseera.

Seensa

Bara 1978 walitajjii Oromiyaa Anaa Jalduufi Gindabaraatti keessaatti, lollii ulifataan kana wali irraa hincinne,Mootummaa abba irree Dargi fi Qotee bulaa Jalduu gidduutti dho'e. Bara Calqaba 1978-1980 dhumaatti gotonni Jalduu nannoowwan ummatonni kumoota heedduun irraa qubatan jiratan, Dargii irraa bilisomsee, bulichaa turun isaa seenaan ragadha. Qabsifamuu loola jalduu Jalduu Walitajjii dhi'a Oromiyaa Koonyaa Jibaatti fi Maaccaa/Ambo,magalaa Finfinnee irraa kilo-meetra 125 irraatti argamiti. Akkuma Oromoota nannoowaan biroo ummataa nagaa jaalatu ta'u illee gootonni heedduun kan keessaa biqilan waan tateef Sirna Motummoota cunqursituu kami iyyuu Mataa gadii cabsatanii hinbullee.

Sirna Mootummaa H/silasee Kabinoota isaanii waliin gara awwalaatti gagessee, bakka isaa kan bu'ee, Mootummaan Dargii yeroo Angoo qabaatu, qotee bulaa Jalduu fi walitajjii Oromiyaa gara dha'atti Deeggarsa cimaa horatee akka hin turre hubatamadha.

Hata'u malee bulichiinsii Dargii, ammumaa bubbulaa addeemu biifa isaa jijjiratee ,ummatoota of harkaatti galfateen,seera of harkkatti galfanna kana dirirsuun gama dabbaloota isaatiin annolewwan birootti, huminaan reebun maqaa farra waraqisaa (anti revolution) jeedhu, itti maxansuun tohannoo isaa jaala ergaa olicheen booda ,gara anaa Jalduu irraatti dirirsuu calqabe. Duran iyyuu Dargiin sodaa fi shakkii waan irraa qabuuf , otee bulaan Oromoo maritti meesha isaa waranaa/Qawwee/ akka hiikatu kan jeedhu, labsii adda irraatti baase. Kana kan diide Sanjaan/Mancaan/Abiyooti akka Morma irraa kutee gatu ,daballonni Dargii /MISON durfamaan ,Danbii Disasaa ,Asfaaw Shifarraa,Tasammaa Amargaa (Bulichaa Anaa Jalduu) Kibraatti fi kan biroo waliin waranaa fi Milishaa of jala naqanii, Jarsolli fi namoota bebeekammoo nannoo sanatti kabajaa qabaan, sababaa Qawwee hikachisuutiin hiidhanii reebuu,salphisuun itti fufani. Halkan mannetwaan nama Qawwee qaba jedhanii shakkan,Milishoota itti marsisisanii buluun ,reebicha qaama nama sukanneessu ergaa irraatti rawataniin booda gara mana hidhatti geessu.

Haala kanaan Qawwee gara 2000 ol Qotee bulaa Oromoo Jalduu yoo hikachisuun namoota murtawaan osoo hin hikatiin "Dinnee didaa ,Qawwee keennuun hadha mana keesaan keennaa jeechudha, Qawwee keenya keninee hinsalphannu! ,yoo duune du'a Leencaa duuna"jechudhaan Dargii hidhannodhaan jeelbeefachisuuf onnee gutun murtefatanii.

Loola Gotoota Jalduu Isa Caalqabaa

Baatii Sadasaa bara 1977 Oromonni lakkofsaan xiqqaa ta'an Mootummaa abbaa irree tti qawwee keenya kenninee nutti hin-rorrisu! jeechuun loluuf murteefatani magalaa Jalduu irraa Kilo-meetra 10 irraatt kana argamuu mana obbo Mulataa Fayyisootti wadaa fi kakuu waliif seenuuf halkan wal beellaman. Dabalonni Dargii Yeroo sanaa akka waqaatti ilalaman ,Iccitiidhan akka isaan mana obboo Mulataa Fayyisootti wal'itti dhufaan dhagayaniiru.

Mana Obbo Mulataa fayyisootti kanneen waadaa seenuuf dhufan bayyinaan namoota 7 qoofa. Gootonni kun torban isanii iyyuu, anaa Jalduu keessaa gandoota adda addaa keessa dhufani.

Isaniis: Mulataa Fayyisoo, Wagii Sattoo, Mogoraa Tujjoo, Raggasaa Fayyisaa, Baqqalaa Urgee, Atomsaa Urgee, Guddisaa Gamaa turan.

Gotoonni Kun 7, Korma Qalanii, dhiiga buruqisanii, walitti hinmallu,! hangaa gaafa dunutti wali irraa hindheesnuu,! jedhaanii, osoo wadaa hincabinee wal seensisaa jiranii,halkan keessa sa'a 2:00 AM akka marfamaan wardiyyaan ala dhabatee jiiru, itti gabaasee. Hundi isaanii iyyuu,duran iyyuu qophawanii hidhannoo gutuun waan dhiyataniif , nama tokko malee Meeshaan isaan qabatan meesha adda m-1(M-one) kan obbo Raggasaa fayyisaa moo meeshaa adda kan ta'e m-2(M-2) ta'eedha.

Dallaan Dabbalonni Dargii fi milishonni Marsanii jiran qe'ee obbo Mulataa Fayyisoo bayyee ballaa Geeshoo fi Warqeen heedduu waan ta'eef, mana gadii ya'anii warqee keessa karaa adda adatiin bakka qabatanii riphan. Dabalonni Dargii fi Bulichaan anaa yeroo sanaa kan turani waranaa fi Milishoota isaan jala giirsu abidatanii sagalee ol kasanii "osoo tarkanfiin Abiyootii isiin irraatti hinfudhatamin akka harka keessan nagadhan kenatan" kana jeedhuu sagalee dallaa alaa itti darbuu egale.

Gootonnii oromoo marfamanii jiran kun hundii isanii iyyuu akka bitneessanii keessaa ba'an waan beekaniif amma lafitti bar'uutti dhukaasa akka hinbannee irraatti wali galan.

Dabalonnii Dargii dallaa duuba dhabatanii "micraphone" qabataniin wamichaa godhaa jiraniif, debi'dhaabinaan , dhukaasa sudachisuuf mana gubbaatt rasaasa atomatikaa gadii robsan. Ganama Sa'aa 5:00 AM yoo ta'uu meshaa ammayyaa yeroo sanaa M-1 fi M-2 gadii itti robsaan.waranaa Dargii dhibbotan lakkawwaman fi milishoota akka hoolaa sardiida keessa sentee gochuun, bittinesuun milishoota 10 Qawwee nii waliin boja'aman.

Ajajaa Milishaa ta'uun duraan namnni mana Raggasaa Fayyisaa gubisisee tokko,rukutamee achitti hafee. Raggasaa Fayyisaa tiin maloo Abba Yadashii nakeessa basii, jedheen. Raggasaa Fayyisaa duran iyyuu qe'ee isaa kan gubisiisee isaa wan ta'ee "Jabeen si hawaranuu ammas na barbadaa as dhuftee"gubadhu !ganaa gubataa jedhee ti biira kuute.

Dabalonnii Dargii fi bulichaan wardaa sanaa ,waan of harkaa qaban "Maicraphonii itti lalabaa olaan dabalatee ,gatanii dhadhaa ibidda buute ta'ani. Gotoonni kun warana Dargii achitti du'an akka awwlamaan godhanii,milishoota boja'maan hidhannoo isanii irraa hikanii gadii dhisani. Lollii Qotee bulaa Jalduu, inni calqabaa injifannoo fi haala akkanatiin xumurame.

Dargiin warana biroo dulichisudhaan ,bakka lolli kun,itti-qabsifame fi,namoota loola kan irraatti argaman qe'ee fi qabeenyi,isanii akka barbada'u goosiise. waranni Dargii namoota nannoo sanatti argaan mara hidhani, reebaa manaa fi qabeenya mana keessa jiiru waliin ibiddaatti naqan.

Itti fufa - Kutaa 2ffaa laalaa

The dreadful mess of negation of negation in Oromo politics: when will it end?

2010-02-19T20:56:00.002-05:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

The law of negation of the negation, which is unconsciously operative in nature and history, until it is recognized, was first formulated by Hegel. The Hegelian negation of the negation suggests that the natural course of all things was for there to be an original idea or entity (thesis) which comes to be replaced by its opposite (the antithesis) which in turn is replaced by a combining of both concepts (synthesis). The synthesis then itself goes on to become the next thesis and the cycle continues.

This essay, in an attempt to shade some light on the prevailing endless negation in the Oromo political arena, will consider the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) - the original idea - as an entity (thesis) and will attempt to analyze what has been happening since the formation of the OLF by employing the Hegelian concept of negation. The original idea is that the OLF will struggle for the formation of independent democratic republic of Oromia (The OLF Political Program, p 7, 1974).

In addition, there are three sacrosanct pillars of the thesis including nationalism, Oromo unity and self-reliance. The thesis is clearer and better than anything else put forward so far. It is clear because it formulates a goal and the norms required to be observed to achieve that goal. It is superior because it proposes to struggle for the maximum possible natural goal of sovereignty – complete freedom and independence - a cause worthy of sacrificing lives and precious resources. Reclaiming what was lost.

Having looked at the original idea it would be necessary asking how it came about. There was a serious and profound political debate among the Oromo elite class around the end of the 60s and the beginning of the 70s before the original idea was formulated. There were two theses that were put forward as to the solution for the Oromo question at the time. These included a/ national liberation and b/ system change within the Ethiopian framework.

The outcome of the debate hinged largely upon the definition of the Oromo question itself; a colonial question or not. At the end the only rational convincing argument that stood the rigor of intellectual scrutiny was that the correct historical interpretation of the relationship between Oromia and Ethiopia was nothing but to conclude that Oromia was colonized by Abyssinia and needed to regain her sovereignty, which subsequently became the perceived wisdom. Hence, the birth of the OLF as a modern national liberation force, above all as an ideology. There has been no alternative convincing counter argument articulated until now against this interpretation.

Shortly after the creation of the OLF in 1973 an antithesis, which is the opposing position (negation) of the original thesis, was presented by the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement (MEISON), and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) among others. The MEISON and EPRP position was that the Oromo question is predominantly a class struggle and national question to a lesser degree but never a colonial question and therefore the solution was never to be independence but socialist revolution. This antithesis anticipated both questions of class and national struggle will be answered by socialism and later on communism and stateless utopian society. Thus, it argued that there was no need to aspire to create democratic republic of Oromia. Since socialism advocated for 'international proletarianism' struggling for the Oromo alone was caricatured as narrow nationalism. The antithesis did not survive for completely different reason all together in that the proponents made an error of judgment of the first principle, misinterpreting the reality of Ethiopian politics.

The collapse of the Dreg military junta in 1991 ushered another era of negation. The first antithesis to the original idea within the OLF itself appeared in the early 90s. The main political antithesis put forward at the time was that, since the Wayane regime hijacked the opportunity for a peaceful resolution and invited us to fight to get what is rightfully ours, the only viable way forward was to downgrade the objective from independence to some sort of self-rule within federal or another form of arrangement within Ethiopia. This is in direct contrast to the original thesis of republic or Oromia. The promoters of the antithesis have made it clear that they have concluded that there is no need to shed blood and now transmogrified to become believers of the antithesis and attempt to convince the Oromo on the one hand and the Abyssinians on the other that they can live together in harmony.

More recently, the latest antithesis to the original idea has been presented in a similar fashion as its predecessor. The advocates of globalization argued that because of the financial powers of the trans-national global companies i.e. neo-capitalist, the sovereignty of the existing nations has already weakened and will inevitably be consigned to history sooner or later and henceforth no need to form a democratic republic of Oromia. How absurd such a proposition looks now after the debacle of the global financial crisis, moral collapse and the plague of greed the free market of capitalism finds itself in?

The emergence of the antithesis within the organization has and continues to cause a serious political pain. Ottoway argued a central weakness of the OLF has been their lack of definition regarding their overall objective: "the OLF wavered between the ideal of an independent Oromia, the desire for a large degree of autonomy, and the dream of supplanting the TPLF as the dominant political organization in the country" (Ottoway 1999, 70). Many serious observers of Oromo politics would agree with this analysis. “Dubartiin waa lama jaallattu gaba hin bahin”.

The idea of dream of ‘Ethiopianizing’ the OLF was evident shortly after the OLF withdrew from the Transitional Government in 1992. For instance, Alex de Waal reported as far back as 1994 "evidence of a split in the OLF between the more conciliatory Deputy Secretary General Lencho Lata and the Secretary General Galassa Dilbo" (de Waal 1994, 27-28) along the lines of the antithesis and the thesis respectively.

In 1997 there were reports that: ". . . informal negotiations between OLF and government broke down in the spring after splitting the OLF into two positions: that of its secretary-general Galassa Dilbo who wanted to continue the struggle against the regime and that of his deputy Lencho Lata who was more in favor of legalizing the OLF" (Minorities at Risk Project June 1998, 21). Subsequently, the OLF split into two factions of TA OLF and Asmara Group formally in 2001 along the line of the thesis and the antithesis respectively.

What is more, the Asmara Group tried to present the two separate ideas to two different sets of audience. The Asmara Group, for instance, as a whole embrace in different forms and at different levels both the thesis and the antithesis. Some foot soldiers, supporters and low level members of the Asmara Group do support the original idea (thesis) of liberation. However, the top echelon of the Asmara group believes and promotes the direct opposite idea against independence. They say democratization of Ethiopia should replace the struggle for liberation. When challenged the leadership of the Asmara group argues that there is no difference between the two. As a consequence they say the OLF does not have a political program and there is no need to declare what it stands for. They abdicate the decision to the Oromo people. Such an ideological position is that of synthesis replacing the antithesis.

The ‘Change’ faction of the Asmara Group is another classic example of combining the original idea with its direct opposite. The ‘Change’ faction is an amalgam of the ‘Oromo People’s Democratic Organization’ (OPDO) and members of the Asmara group. The Asmara Group has already formed Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), itself another synthesis, by making a pact with the hardliner Amhara party, namely Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP).

The ‘Change’ faction is also calling for reintegration with others who declare independence as their goal. How they can reconcile the OPDOs with the others remains unclear. The Oromo populace has rejected the OPDO precisely because it is the antithesis to the OLF (the original idea). Even the newly formed ‘Change’ wing of the Asmara Group is already divided due to precisely the same problem. The recent defection in the Oromo Liberation Army Southern Command is just that. It was less than 6 months ago since the ‘Change’ Group paraded the Southern Command as the flagship of their strategy of gaining credibility. Alas it was short lived. It would appear that there will be more to come. It is a vicious circle.

The original thesis on the Oromo unity advocates that guarding the unity of 40 million strong Oromos is a sacred principle. In particular, Oromos of similar political persuasion should not divide along the line of region or religion. ‘United we stand, divided we fall’ is one of the most recited slogans by Oromo nationalists. For instance, whatever internal disquiets there were within the OLF camp, before the 2001 official split, the leaders always presented united front to the outside world. The Oromo public embraced the value of Oromo unity religiously and continues to regard dividing the Oromo nation to be the highest possible sin.

Although in the minority, over the years, sadly some have openly embraced the forbidden idea and advocated to organize Oromos along the religious divide. Others have called for Oromos to organize themselves along region and then come together to form a confederation. These notions are clearly antithesis to the original idea of Oromo unity. One wonders how long it may take us to realize the danger of ongoing negation because of what has been manifestly obvious over the past few months. Yet again some groups believe that it is fine to be regionalist and pan Oromo at the same time. These groups think it would be possible to rally the Oromo nation by first forming hegemony of certain grouping at its core. For example, there is a serious charge against the ‘Change’ faction of being regionalists in the public court based on the behavior of some of their supporters.

The original idea is that pan Oromo movement diametrically opposes regionalism. The strategy for the antithetical thinking appears to be that you can organize a particular region as far as you have a pan Oromo name. They consider it to be possible to run regionalism and pan Oromo movement at the same time or as far as it gives you the opportunity to oppose others. It is not only regionalism but also the leadership style as well as that some Oromo ‘leaders’ adopting the Amharic language in making public speeches and comfortably sitting under the Ethiopian flag are all clear examples of synthesis. You can embrace Oromo nationalism and ‘Ethiopianess’ is the synthesis which attempts to replace Oromo nationalism.

It would be lack of farsightedness not to be aware of the possibility of a religious antithesis emerging in Oromo politics. Previous attempts were unsuccessful. But that alone is no guarantee that new one will not appear. The fabric of Oromo unity between Oromos of different religious persuasion was woven by the blood and bones of members of the OLF who paid the ultimate sacrifice in fighting for freedom against the enemy. Nevertheless, the reality is we live in a world increasingly sharply divided along religious lines. There are those who are willing to fund the radical elements of both religions in order to control our society and there are early warning signs already on the ground more so inside Oromia. Vigilance is in order.

Over all, neither the antithesis nor the synthesis has yet replaced the thesis. The thesis is based on reality and has been tested from within and without and it has survived a number of challenges for the past four decades. There is no fear that the synthesis will replace it. For instance, the TA OLF, who are widely considered to be the bastions of the original “kaayyoo”, insist they stand for the thesis and have dug in their heels and stood by it for the last one decade. The great majority of the Oromo people also stand for the original idea with regards to independence, nationalism, unity and self reliance. All available evidence indicates that the Oromo public is firmly supportive of the thesis. The Oromo people hold the OLF in a messianic position because of the original idea. The OLF has become an ideology in its own right.

Attempts by different factions to replace OLF either by forming different organizations or change its political program from within have not been successful so far. The enemy is frightened of its potential. Nevertheless, the process of synthesis (combining both concepts) is already underway and we should be aware of it. We are better advised to be conscious of the process of the negation of the negation itself, which actually is endless unless an active conscious effort is made to end it.

In conclusion, you can eternally split and regroup how many times you would like but you will not stop the process unless you fully understand the reason for the split and the underlying process in the first instance. The only viable solution to the endless negation is to return to the original idea and restore the thesis based on the original idea, norms and values. A serious debate is required. The conspicuous absence of the Oromo intellectual class, the descendents of those who started the struggle, from the debate and analysis of the situation is extraordinary. A serious intellectual analysis and problem solving is required. We have to separate ideas (thesis, antithesis, and synthesis) from the people who hold them. We all have to recognize the mess and take collective responsibility to clean it.

OLA unit defects: so where does the buck finally stop?

2010-02-07T19:24:00.004-05:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

“The quality of leadership, more than any other single factor, determines the success or failure of an organization.” Fred Fiedler & Martin Chemers.

The defection of a unit consisting nearly 100 Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) fighters, including their commanders, to the Wayane regime in January 2010 has dominated the discourse of the Oromo diaspora. As is expected the how and why the unit defected have been considered.

However, I am surprised how little has been asked as to who should take the ultimate responsibility for the condition that led to the defection of the company of the fighters.

In any organization there should be a single point of accountability and leadership responsibility for the success as well as the failure within it. Thus, it would be extraordinary to say the least if the question of who should take the responsibility will be conveniently brushed under the carpet when such a serious incident takes place. In addition, the explanation given by some, in order to reassure the Oromo public, as to why the unit defected also raises more question than it answers.

The explanation given so far seems to suggest that the leaders of the unit were agents of the Wayane regime. This leaves a number of questions unanswered. How long have they been operating as agents? Is it a new discovery or if not has it been known for some time? If known for long why was action not taken? If new has there been a restructuring of the organization since? If the organization was infiltrated, how deep is the infiltration? Are there some others left behind or all them have gone? I am raising these questions not to defend the defectors but to ask serious questions to shade some light on our deep-rooted problem; a problem deeper than a defection of a unit.

One has to look back over the last one decade to put things in perspective. First, the political leadership under whose command the OLA unit that defected was trained has been openly advocating for return to the Ethiopia for years now. You may recall the infamous unfounded claim that “majority of the Oromo people would like to return home”. This is a very dangerous mindset for any fighting force. It would send a message that the enemy is not a real enemy and you can make peace with given a favourable condition. The military needs a clear instruction. It should not be left in doubt about the justness of the war or what to do with the enemy. Imagine what Bergen would do to the self-confidence of the force. It would seem that the unit negotiated a term of surrender for itself rather than leaving it to its political masters.

Second, a fighting force should never be treated as pageants for the latest fashion show. You may recall the bizarre “inside rebel territory” drama less than 6 months ago. The yearly photo shoots of the army that will be used to collect funds is yet another example of the abuse the OLA had to endure over the past decade. A trained and armed unit should be kept physically active, mentally alert and psychologically resilient to execute the task of liberating a country successfully. You cannot just train and arm someone and leave him ideal as a bargaining chip.

There is no doubt the commanders who went back with the fighters are wholly responsible for their actions. They should be blamed. Nevertheless, who should be overall accountable for what has happened? One might argue why someone should be responsible. But the first question must be the unit has been under the two factions of the Asmara Group; long time under the Shanee Gumii and recently under the Jijjirama Group albeit very brief. Therefore, the two leaders namely Dawud Ibsa and Kamal Galchu must take the blame. Had the unit attacked and overtaken Moyale these chaps would be the first to self-congratulate and take credit. Unfortunately, now that the unit has defected they must take the blame. Or do you think that these people in Asmara should not be held accountable?

Have your say!

State of political debate in the Oromo Diaspora – a colonial legacy?

2009-10-07T21:20:00.002-04:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

“Colonial domination …. is made possible by negation of national reality, by new ‘legal’ relations introduced by the occupying power, by the banishment of the natives and their customs to outlying districts by colonial society, by expropriation, and by the systemic enslaving of men and women” (Frantz Fanon, 1963)

Oromo politics cannot be separated from its historical context. Oromia was colonized by Abyssinia assisted by the support of European powers in 1898. At this time Oromia was vibrant and a thriving country. Oromo society was collectivistic; with extended family clans and traditional kinship structures governed by set of social laws, customs, rituals and cultural ethics a.k.a ‘safu’ in Oromo language. The concept of ‘safu’ was central to the concept of Oromo self. The role of the Gada system in organizing and maintaining the Oromo way of life at the time was one of the crucial tenets of the Oromo society’s cultural being. Debate played a central role in decision making at all levels.

The Oromo concept of debate was holistic - emphasizing the importance of the whole and the interdependence of its parts. Debate and descent was not seen as antagonizing. There was no assumption that one man knows best. Ideas were separate from the proponent. Differing views were expected rather than being the exception. When one proposed an idea or a solution to a problem one was expected to back it with logic arguments and evidence. The Oromo society was inquisitorial rather then confrontational.

The Oromo continue to maintain strong link to their traditional culture to this date. I had the opportunity to witness the choreography of free flowing public debates as a child on several occasions. For example, it used to fascinate me as to the purpose of the energy dedicated to deliberation before they decided to cut down a tree. Once a consensus was reached after long deliberations and a collective decision was made, silence would descend and everyone begins to act. No one raised an objection halfway during the action for it would be dangerous if debate was to be reignited the tree would fall on them causing injury. I only fathom now the significance of such an organized way of life and the essence of Oromo collective consciousness in their ordered life. As it was not possible to reach a unanimous consensus at all times the Oromo are prepared to live with compromises too.

The advent of Abyssinian colonialism led to the announcement of something deeply pervasive and, arguably, cultural genocide on the Oromo society. It is as if the life of the Oromo – their everyday lives, responsibilities, values and goals – were and are being effaced. Through a pervasive rhetorical device and open psychological warfare and indoctrination – an implied cultura nullius –the life of the Oromo people is negated effectively and in its entirety. Colonization of Oromia a century ago was followed, until the present, by several years of conflict, marginalization and forced acculturation, with resultant loss of traditional society, religion, law, land, and cultural identity especially among some Oromo urban communities and semiliterate sector of the Oromo society.

One of the most detrimental effects of the Oromo colonial experience has been the stifling of a healthy debate. In particular, over the past one decade it has been my observation that some elements of the Oromo political class have made a conscious decision to adopt the Abyssinian way of going about their business. Some have not only abandoned our way of life but also actively sought out to discourage dialogue. They adopted a very intolerant attitude towards descent of any kind. This has led to doubts about identity issues, lack of trust and intimacy between Oromos of different political persuasions as well as region and religion.

Something strange seems to have taken place in the Oromo Diaspora. I have been following the nature and tone of the debate amongst the Oromo Diaspora for the past two decades. The debate started off in the traditional sense in the early 90s. But it became very bitter and divisive very soon. Most were taken by surprise by the vitriol and lack of ‘safu’ and called for return to our values and traditional norms. No one paid attention. Then came the first half of the 2000s when the debate turned nastier and nastier. It became virtually impossible to have anything remotely resembling a civilized debate due to heated political fervor.

There are fundamental significant cultural differences in the mode of conducting debates among the Oromo people and the Abyssinian people. These differences stem from fundamental difference in the concept of debate itself. In Oromo world view debate is a way of reaching a state of perfection and finding a compromise. The Oromo way of reasoning is circular as opposed to the Abyssinian way of linear thinking, which does not encourage debate. Equally important is also that the Oromo consider each other equal. The Abyssinian society is a class society. Thus, debate is interpreted as insubordination and has to be quashed according to Abyssinians. The Abyssinians say “follow the leader at all times!” However, the Oromo believe that the leader has to have a convincing argument to be followed.

At the present it will not be an exaggeration to say that debate among the Oromo Diaspora community has completely died out. It is non existent. A complete collapse of political debate among the Oromo Diaspora at a time when the Oromo people are subjected to unparalleled political and economic exploitation, famine and devastating HIV/AIDS pandemic is odd to say the least. Such a state of moral and intellectual paralysis is due to a combination of historical, political, cultural and social causes. These include the intergenerational transmission of trauma, unresolved identity issue, sociocultural dislocation – first from Oromia to Ethiopia, now from Oromia to different countries across the globe – resulting in lack of sense of community and deficiency in ‘safu’ – collective consciousness.

Although it would be wrong to attribute wholly this infirmity to our colonial experience it is nevertheless unavoidable questioning the impact of lack of autonomy and pervasive influence of the occupying enemy on the way we conduct our discourse. Whatever the cause may be, it is morally indefensible not to have a serious debate on our future and how we should get rid of the oppressive Ethiopian regime and gain our independence and reclaim our rightful freedom.

There is no question in my mind as to what the first topic of our discourse should be. Let us discuss why we have stopped taking to each other. In my views, the problem that has brought the end of exchange of ideas and opinion is at the root of our inability to unite our energy and talent to liberate our nation from slavery. So ask yourself. Is it we have no issues to discuss or that the problem will worsen by duscussions or we remain wishful that if we stopped talking about it the problem will disappear by itself?

In summary, the Oromo people had an active culture of debate without fear of upsetting each other or being labeled an opponent. The Gada system sustained the Oromo way of life for generations. However, currently the level of intellectual thinking and debate in Oromo society is in a dire situation. At home due to the shackles of Wayane oppressive security apparatus of ‘Gott’ and ‘Garee’ – one security agent for every 5 households and in the Diaspora as a result of the tyranny of the ill informed mindless cadres who spread false allegations and hatred amongst the Oromo community.

Evidence based, serious, honest debates led by the ‘safu Oromoo’ and wisdom are more likely to succeed than a narrowly focused narrative. And surely we should understand it will be at our own peril that we follow the backward Stone Age Abyssinian way of life. We have to be seriously concerned as to what will happen in the next ten or fifteen years at this rate. We are sleepwalking into intellectual decay and demise. Let us return to our natural habitat and have a genuine honest debate - everything about the myths, facts and challenges about our struggle for decolonization - intellectual as well as physical liberation of Oromia from the jaws of the enemy.

Have your say.

Gumaa Guddaa can be reached via e-mail: gumaguda@yahoo.com

Oromiya’s conquest and its problems in the eyes of history

2009-08-05T05:21:00.002-04:00

By Leenjisoo Horo

It is now over 120 years, since Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia conquered Oromiya. In the war of conquest, over five million Oromos were slaughtered; limbs of young men, women and children were mutilated; hundreds of thousands of men and women were boiled alive. And Oromiya was turned into bloodbath. All in all, the genocide, destruction, and massacre that Ethiopia committed left mountains of human bones across Oromiya. Today, Aannolee and Calanqo standout as the witness to the crime committed. With the conquest, Oromiya fell under the yoke of Ethiopian colonial rule. And With this, the Oromo people lost their country, sovereignty, liberty, freedom and dignity.

Oftentimes, we ask ourselves as to how this great nation of ours that often referred to as “the Germans of Africa” allowed itself to be in this humiliating and tragic situation. We often seek to find answer this question outside Oromo. We tend to say, Europeans helped Emperor Menelik of Ethiopia. In this way, we often opt to blame someone else. We failed to seek the answer to the Oromo problems within Oromo. The reason is and has been to avoid taking responsibility. Here is the problem. Oromo laid condition for their own conquest and colonization. They not only created condition for their own defeat, but also participated on defeating themselves. Here is how. First, the division within leadership occurred. Second, that division weakened the Oromo institutions. And third, the enemy collaborators formed within the divided leadership. Then it was with the help, support and participation in the war of the Oromo collaborators that Menelik of Ethiopia was able to conquer and colonize Oromiya. So Menelik conquered Oromiya with the Oromo collaborators and again ruled the conquered Oromiya with their help. Following his footsteps, Emperor Haile Sillassie’s and Darg’s regimes made use of Oromo collaborators to administer the Ethiopian empire, and so now the Wayyanee’s regime.

Wayyanee has brought a reign of terror, massacre, death, and destruction to Oromiya through terrorism. It is a vicious, cruel, ruthless, and barbarian colonial regime. It has directed its henchmen to roundup Oromo villages, neighborhoods, and hamlets and gangs the residents to prison camps and to various prison centers. Throughout the occupation of Oromiya, no Oromo nationals have ever been imprisoned in so large number than under Wayyanee colonial regime. Too many Oromo nationals have been jailed. Because of this, there are shortages of prisons in Oromiya. As consequence of this, Schools in Oromiya haven been turned into prison camps instead of place for educating Oromo children. Today Oromiya is turned into prison camp.

In the prison camps, Wayyanee instructed its henchmen to beat, torment, torture, and brutalize the prisoners to extract information about the OLF. In the name of extracting information, Wayyanee has been committing atrocities and murder.

In addition, it has undertaken the rape and physical destruction of Oromiya, its lands, its forests, and its environment. Forests have been burned down. Trees have been cut down. Indeed, Wayyanee’s actions are clear and present danger to Oromiya and its people.

Wayyanee has undertaken the aforementioned heinous attacks on Oromiya and its people with aide and abet and partnership of Oromo collaborators. Initially, Wayyanee found the collaborators in the ranks of Oromo prisoners of war, those who were captured in Eritrea and Tigray. As strategy of control, Wayyanee waged a psychological war on its victims. It stripped off its victims of their national pride and dignity through humiliating, dehumanizing, shaming, and belittling them. Other collaborators were found in those freewheeling Oromo opportunists in the Diaspora. Then it brought the two together; dressed them in new outfit—in its own political line, and called them in a new name:” Oromo People’s Democratic Organization” abbreviated as “OPDO”. Hence, OPDO is Wayyanee’s creation and its puppet and protégé (maxxannee). It does not have independent political, organizational and functional existence.

Having successfully organized as its “maxxannee” and dressed it in its own political line, Wayyanee rode into Oromiya with OPDO. Once in Oromiya, Wayyanee clothed OPDO in a new costume, the “Regional government of Oromiya”, to give it an appearance of legality in order to confuse and mislead the public. In the name of “Regional government of Oromiya”, OPDO has been serving Wayyanee in multi dimensional ways:
1. To secure and safeguard Wayyanee’s interest in Oromiya: economic and political exploitation;
2. serves as security agent, as informant, and as spy;
3. Serves as police force for the colonial state police: to enforce wayyanee’s rules, laws and to carryout its orders;
4. Serves as prison gate keepers

In addition, again Wayyanee clandestinely recruited and organized opportunist Oromo nationals in the Diaspora, those who were ex-Darg party members, ex-Darg cadres, ex-Darg youths members, and ex-OPDO members who later infiltrated the OLF, the Oromo communities, the Oromo Churches, and other Oromo political organizations. Then Wayyanee dressed these recruits in new political costume and called them by a new name, the “investors”. These “investors” are the opportunists, the crooks and liars. They can do anything and say anything to grab any opportunity, they see fit them. They have been cooperating traitorously with the enemy of their people. These crooks and liars have become the new collaborators. In the name of “investment”, these crooks and liars have been hastily rushing to the Ethiopian empire to grab “the gold mine” in Oromiya. The gold mine being, the Oromo land, and Oromo homes from where Wayyanee and its puppet, the OPDO, evicted or forced out the Oromo nationals. The purpose is to make profit. And so they buy and resell those lands and homes. The so-called investors and OPDO are tightly interwoven by Wayyanee and in turn tightly controlled by Wayyanee.

OPDO and its Diaspora based new “maxxannee” - the so-called investors - were unable to convince the Oromo people to accept the sellouts of Oromiya’s independence. So, Wayyanee added a new limb to the two (i.e. to OPDO and “Investors”) in the name of “Council of Oromo elders”. The members of this limb were recruited from among professional Oromo individuals, those individuals who have been entrenched in the colonial social, political, and institutional structures and benefited the most from these structures. This “Council of Oromo elders” is tasked with activities of pacification and neutralization of Oromo nationals so as to cow them from supporting the struggle for independence of Oromiya. These individuals are the empire’s men; brought up in the mindset of the empire’s rulers; the empire’s existence heavily depends on the support of such individuals. Hence, the so-called Council of Oromo elders is a part of the nexus of illegal secret peace negotiation initiatives with the illegal colonial regime of Wayyanee to undermine the Oromo unity and the struggle for independence of Oromiya. In a bizarre twist, this “Council of Oromo elders” declared the colonial regime of Meles Zenawi, “our government”. Here one may wonder as to how a colonialist that illegally invaded and occupied ones country is taken as ones government. To declare the illegal occupier of Oromiya, “our government”, in the name of “Council of Oromo elders” has no logic to it. And indeed, it is illogical, irrational and immoral to so. This is simply an acceptance of occupation of Oromiya.

On the contrary, the OLF is a liberation front with a clear vision, a clear strategy and a clear method of operation. Its struggle is and has been for the independence of Oromiya. To this effect, the independence of Oromiya, its sovereignty, and the freedom, liberty and dignity of the Oromo people are inherently nonnegotiable.

In this struggle of ours, the OLF’s target is the Ethiopian empire, the empire under which Oromiya found itself. The OLF maintains that Ethiopia is an empire, and as all empires before it, it was born in blood and sins. And since its birth, it has been held together and maintained in blood and sins. Hence, there is no basis for an empire to be democratized. So as all empires before it, it has to disintegrate. In fact, no empire has ever been democratized in history. And so, it is a pious wish to expect the Ethiopian Empire to be democratized. It is for this, the OLF rejects a political campaign for Ethiopian empire democratization. In addition, it also opposes and rejects out of hand any alliance with any organization that does not recognize, support and respect the right of nations to self-determination, the Oromo nation included. Or it opposes any alliance with any organization whose political position or political program is in contradiction to the right of nations to self-determination. Here the OLF simply means by the term national self-determination that every nation has to have its own free, independent and sovereign state. Hence, national self-determination is a political question. Oromiya is a colony of Ethiopia and its question is a colonial question and the colonial question is a political question. And so, the answer to political question of a colonized people is political self-determination: the formation of free and sovereign independent state. Any alliance the OLF may make will depend on these conditions. It is for these, the OLF subscribes to the notion that we have, not permanent allies, but permanent interests. Among our interests is independence of Oromiya today and independence of Oromiya forever.

Finally, OLF believes that independence is neither a gift nor it is a free falling manna from the sky. It is an achievement of nationalists, an achievement in their blood and treasure. The achievement is an outcome of the unity of the nationalists and patriots. Here by uniting is meant, unity of purpose and goal on the basis of Kaayyoo, political line, Oromo nationalism (Oromummaa), tactics and strategy of the struggle. OLF was organized on principles. And so OLF has principles; it has strategies and it stands by them. Again OLF has policies; it has tactics to undertake. In the struggle, polices and tactics change but the principles and strategies endure; remain the same. The policies and tactics change only to strengthen the principles and strategies of the struggle, not to undermine, or undercut or weaken them.

In this struggle of ours, the OLF is not a parliament; it is a liberation front. So it is not organized as a parliament whose members are representatives of a certain constituents i.e. a region or province as in the case of senators or a county or district as congressmen or women. Nor it is organized on the basis of region or religion. It is not organized on the basis of quotas. OLF is liberation front as all liberation fronts before it. And so it is organized on the basis of political ideology of liberation, representing the whole nation and whole country. It’s political, organizational, and functional scope is national. Individuals join OLF as an individual Oromo nationalist or as an individual Oromo patriot but not as a representative of a region or religion nor as representative of a locality. Each individual becomes a member on the basis of accepting its political program, its political line, its ideological outlook, and its organizational structure. And in the organization, every political, diplomatic, and military position has to be earned, not assigned as a quota. Every member is evaluated by peers in the struggle. OLF, however, encourages, supports, and coordinates with any truly Oromo resistance against colonial regime and its Oromo puppet collaborators, at every level, be it at regional level or at local, village, hamlet, town and city level. But the recent split with the passion of localism, villagism, and regionalism while maintaining the name of the OLF is contrary to the spirit of nationalism, patriotism, national unity and national struggle.

Have your say!

Leenjisoo Horo may be reached at lhoro@yahoo.com.

Waging a specter war is marginally insane: the ‘inside rebel territory’ show-off case in point

2009-07-31T23:53:00.002-04:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

I watched the clip of video show of the so called ‘inside rebel territory’ with a sense of déjà vu. Then I reminded myself that it is the month of July. It has become a modus operandi for some to parade unsuspecting armed young Oromo men and women in front of the enemy just to collect few thousand dollars in the name of the Oromo struggle from equally unsuspecting Oromo public. On the other hand, it is no brainier understanding that it is a feel day for the Wayanne security services. Why on earth do these mindless so called leaders do not seem to understand or care to understand the reasons why other serious genuine freedom fighters mask their face to protect their true identity?

The security implication is the blindingly obvious consequence of such a futile show-off. The people who invited the journalist to have access to the training base of the fighters did not make an effort to hide the geographical location of the force. An intelligence officer with a rudimentary training in assessing a force can see and read from the clip a great deal of information. For instance, one could clearly see that the force is at an early stage of training. What about their apparent display of jubilant mood? That suggests their lack of awareness of what lies ahead. Lack of patience and excess display of emotion is a trademark of a force that has not seen a day of proper battle. A battle hardened well trained fighting force would have been in a reflective mood mentally and physically much leaner and meaner.

Most of all what about the portrayed abundance of food and water? Any one with the remotest idea of guerrilla warfare would have saved the food and water for rainy days. The first and foremost thing a trainer has to do to prepare a freedom fighter for survival would be to educate his friends to be able to live on minimal amount of food and water – to survive hanger and thrust that will be the norm for the whole life time of the movement.

The bitter reality of the outcome of such an ill thought exercise for what ever reason will be most unfortunate for the people in this video clip. If they will not quickly evaporate the enemy will be on their heel in hot pursuit. Or they will learn the hard way what the reality of war is and those who survive may do it the right way next time round. The other unfortunate consequence of such a disingenuous political choreography for monetary gains of the few will dent once again the hope and aspiration of the Oromo people who yearn for a genuine force that can one day beat Wayyane.

The other challenge is that the clip shows the force is being trained as a conventional army. Is the force being supported by Eritrea? I raise this question because of even a bigger problem that this might cause. Eritrea is being associated rightly or wrongly with the Al Shabab in Somalia as a result of which it has been associated with extremism and even Al Qaeda. It is an open secrete that Eritrean president Afewarki and Zenawi do not like each other anymore and would do anything to undermine each other. So it is highly likely that the so called ‘inside rebel territory’ may have been orchestrated by Eritrea. The military uniform worn by some is a big give away too. Over all, I raise this question because we have seen the similar exercise by Eritrea in and around the border of Sudan and Oromia in 2004 resulting in yet another humiliation for the Oromo people.

Another crucial military tactical question I have would be has the force on display already reached a stage of open confrontation with the Wayyane? If it is a guerrilla force that has reached that stage, by now one would expect them at least to have controlled half of Oromia prior to such bravado.

I am afraid this sort of dram is not the first time or will not be the last either. It is beyond my comprehension how inconsiderate one could be to squander the good will of men and women who are ready to pay the ultimate sacrifice for their freedom and country. The pretence reminded me of what the Human Rights Watch Africa concluded and advised us some time ago. They concluded that the Wayyane regime and those who claim they are waging a war on behalf of the Oromo people well know that there is no proper war. However, both conveniently pretend that there is a war going on to remain in power and not willing to face the reality respectively. The lies on both sides however give an excuse to the Wayyane regime to kill and torture the Oromo people. They advised both to stop acting irresponsibly. Now, do not be surprised if the Wayyane will now unleash a wave of arrest all over Oromia for a drama that has been played out far away for collection of money from the Oromo diaspora. Come on, the Oromo people deserve better.

One final question for those who specialize in drama is this. When will we see video of a real battle? When will we see video of bodies of killed Wayyane soldiers, Wayyane POWs? When will we see liberated towns and villages shown in your videos? Before all these do me a favor and do not post these videos on the internet for all to see for the sake the safety of our brave boys and girls and their families in Oromia.

I look forward to watch all the material when it will be released fully in August as promised. I hope and pray that those who repeat the same mistake over and over again will come to their senses and rationality and start to put the interest of Oromia before their own. If it is totally the work of a third party the collaborators must think and rethink again. In the meanwhile I am eager to hear what people think the pros and cons of the so called ‘inside rebel territory’ video.

Gumaa Guddaa can be reached via e-mail at gumaguda@yahoo.com

Have your say!

Rapprochement between OLF factions: evidence of progress or cause for concern?

2009-06-15T20:11:00.005-04:00

By Gumaa Guddaa

"Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try Again. Fail again. Fail better."~ Samuel Beckett

The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has been divided into two main factions for the past one decade due to ideological divergence - Oromia versus Ethiopia. The break-up came about on a backdrop of a series of failed diplomatic effort to produce a peaceful settlement of the dispute between the OLF and the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF). You may recall that the mediation effort by the Eritrean government (1992), the former US President Jimmy Carter (2004), and the US Congressional Task Force led by Henry Johnston (2006) were all frustrated by the intransigence of the TPLF. Thereafter, any glimmer of hope to bring the OLF and the TPLF to a negotiating table fell up on the shoulders of some European NGOs.

Some time in 1997 a group within the OLF, the group that later on crystallized as the Asmara Group also known as Shanee, gave up and accepted the demand from the TPLF – to surrender. The TPLF ad infinitum ad nauseam demanded “The OLF to denounce armed resistance, put down guns, and accept the Ethiopian constitution” before any peace talks. Put simply to accept the TPLF/Wayane rule over Oromia. The OLF on the other hand had a clear policy on peaceful settlement and refused to yield to Wayane’s unreasonable demand. OLF proposed “Talks about peaceful resolution of the conflict must be without such or any form of precondition, in the presence of a third party, according to internationally accepted norms and standards of peace talks”. The TPLF’s position is and has been to resist the notion of peace at all cost.

Having exhausted all perceivable venues of peaceful settlement the defeatists wrote a falsified letter and submitted it to the group of NGOs that offered to be mediators. Shanee’s letter accepted what the TPLF demanded. They wrote “The OLF is ready to unilaterally abandon its armed resistance and accept the Ethiopian constitution as an existing reality” in preparation for peace talks with the Wayane regime. After it was already sent to the European NGOs their secrete letter of acceptance to surrender was to be known to Galaasa Dilbo. As the chairman of the organization he ordered the immediate withdrawal of the letter. But, the plotters refused and the Extra-Ordinary Congress of the OLF 1998 convened and removed some of the saboteurs from position of influence and power. As it transpires latter on remnants of the plotters and some tribalist elements in the organization cooperated in formalizing the Asmara Group in 1999 and issued the infamous peace agenda in 2000 in pursuit of their subversive ploy.

The group that succumbed to the relentless demand from the TPLF, it would appear, had come to the conclusion that their time was running out. It became clear that they had been somehow ambivalent towards the objective of the Oromo struggle for some time even before they came public as they later attested to. It would appear the collapse of any hope of peaceful resolution of the conflict between the OLF and TPLF was a tipping point for them. In order to justify their abandonment of Oromia the Asmara Group had to come up with a list of excuses. They said “Liberation in the era of globalization is impossible”. They also said “To insist upon the right to fight for freedom and self-determination will categorize the OLF to the list of terrorist”. They also preached “We cannot liberate our self”. Instead of liberation of Oromia they made the objective of “democratization” of Ethiopia a fundamental and central mission of their organization.

It is abundantly evident even today that the Shanee holds to the ideology of “democratization” of Ethiopia. The Asmara Group is now deeply infiltrated by ex-derg cadres, ex-OPDOs and true OPDOs. What is more, they are wholly dependent on Eritrea for their very existence. If one goes by what the Eritrean dictator Isayas Afewarki has been bubbling recently, the odds seem stuck against the Asmara Group ever liberating themselves let alone democratizing Ethiopia. Or else they share the Eritrean vision of “Ethiopian unity”. After all what is the purpose of the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD)?

On the other hand, contrary to the Asmara Group, the genuine OLF continued with the ideology of liberation and formation of independent republic of Oromia. It seems that the quest for independent Oromia remains very popular and supported by the vast majority of the Oromo populous. The one simple fact no one can doubt is that the genuine OLF remains completely independent, self-reliant, and confident, supremely disciplined more than ever before and ideologically armed and organized. The doubters and the pretenders had gone. The last 10 years had been truly testing to the extreme. The relentless vile propaganda campaign by the enemies of the struggle against the OLF leaders, members and supporters has been so cruel you would not find a single sole in the genuine OLF that is a doubter as to the just cause of the Oromo people.

The Asmara Group has only succeeded, it could be argued, in weakening the OLF and dividing the Oromo people. You will not find any Oromo civic and religious organization that has not been divided by the Shanee. The Shanee in collaboration with the Eritrean security force even turned against the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) resulting in bloodshed. The Asmara Group issued death sentence on some of the finest Oromo leaders and requested and was granted the means to execute the death penalty by the Eritrean security forces. The resilience and intelligence of the leaders and immense personal and organizational sacrifice paid by true sons and daughters of Oromia was what assured the survival of the OLF.

The transgression of the Asmara Group went beyond personal attack, character assassinations and demonizing Oromo heroes. The Asmara Group even instigated and fought an expensive absurd lawsuit in an American court against the OLF. It is interesting to note that close scrutiny of the court case and the verdict shows that the Asmara Group argued for “democratization” of Ethiopia whilst the OLF argued for independent Oromia. Yet again through hard work mounting a robust defense of the Kaayyoo the OLF triumphed in the court.

It is important to note at this point in time the Asmara Group itself is divided in two. Both factions confirm that their agenda is to “democratize” Ethiopia. They claim they are divided on how to achieve their objective rather than what to achieve. Therefore, it would be reasonable to see them as one. Their differences are of low significance and reconcilable. It is interesting to note that both are hosted and supported by Eritrea; the same country that colluded with them to kill off the OLF albeit spectacularly unsuccessful. It is also fascinating to note that the two factions of the Asmara Group ally with the two factions of Kinijjit - an Amhara political party.

Personalities matter in politics. The genuine OLF is led by Dhugaasa Bakakko who by all accounts is a selfless devoted leader of the highest integrity and resolve. He remains true to his people and their just cause. He is one of few trusted leaders who have provided much needed leadership to the organization and the nation during the past decade of turmoil within the organization. He is renowned for his fine judgment and strategic thinking under pressure, on the field, and leading by example. He is an inspiration to freedom fighters.

On the other hand, the two factions of the Asmara Group are led by Daud Ibsa and Kamal Galchu respectively. Daud Ibsa has been in the struggle almost as long as Dhugaasaa Bakakko. The difference between the two is that Daud opted for “democratization” of Ethiopia whilst Dhugaasa remains convinced the right path to lead the struggle is to continue with liberation struggle. Dhugaasa is a risk taker but Daud is risk aversive. Dhugaasa is the man at the forefront but Daud prefers to be a rear guard.

Kamal Galchu is different altogether. He joined the Asmara Group a little less than a couple of years ago. He has been an OPDO. Suspicion exists whether he is a genuine convert to the struggle to “democratization” of Ethiopia or he is a man who finds him self to be a wrong person at a wrong place but trying to make the most of what he can. He was an officer in the Wayane Army. He rose to the rank of Brigadier General in the TPLF/Wayane military; it is alleged, for his unquestionable loyalty to the regime. He maintains a strong link with the OPDO to this day and so is his faction. Nothing is wrong as such with changing side, if genuine. But he is simply an unknown quantity.

Having survived a decade long campaign against it by the enemy within and without, and having seen off the Asmara Group in the court of law, the OLF has now challenged the two factions of the Asmara Group to return to the original program of the organization – to struggle for independent Oromia. It did so by calling for a dialogue to all who call themselves OLF and former members who chose to be not her or there. Now then, is this good news or bad news

Taken prima facie you would think it is good news, wouldn’t you? BUT, can a leopard change its spots? I do not know. What is more, the sticking point one can see right from the outset is the question of Kaayyoo. The question that divided the organization remains ideological, irreconcilable for that matter. The question is simple and clear. Either the Asmara Group should forgo their dreams of “democratization” of Ethiopia or the OLF must abandon the vision of realization of independent Oromia. What matters is what is right. Unquestionably the right thing is to fight for independence.

The question for Oromo nationalists is whether it would not be better to take the matter to its logical conclusion. The logical conclusion surely would be to continue with the endeavor in strengthening the genuine OLF and promote the struggle and leave the disciples of the “democratization” of Ethiopia project all alone. Any progressive mind would think that it is better to be logical. Then again politics is anything but logical.

The theory of ‘association, dissociation and re-association’ in social dynamics might be our only hope for redemption. In other wards, friendship starts with associating with others we do not really know that much about. The initial stage of the association process is driven partly by the novelty of the exercise. Then again people would discover the true color of the people they associate with and decide to end the relationship. If at all the people who disassociate themselves decide to get back together then it would be thought that they now have insight into their differences and similarities and therefore their re-association stands a better chance of succeeding. The danger lies in rhetoric hyperboles like ‘united we stand divided we fall’, ‘nagaa Oromoo’ so and so forth without honest proper debate as to the root cause of the dissociation in the first place. In my views, a serious danger lies in simple re-association just for the sake of formality without ironing out the differences that are so fundamental that otherwise history will inevitably repeat itself.

One has to have a huge respect for the farsightedness and magnanimity of the genuine OLF. Their endeavor to bring back the astray to the fold of the struggle is truly admirable. It epitomizes the Oromo sprit. Such is an Oromo victor that they can resist being carried away with their moral and court victory. In spite of what had gone on for more than a decade that they are willing to entertain to appeal to human decency and do the honorable thing is commendable. Although previous efforts, including Shanacha Jaarsummaa, failed to produce the desired result in the past, in my opinion, we have to remain cautiously optimistic albeit the odds are stuck against us truly mending the rift.

Gumaa Guddaa can be reached via e-mail: gumaguda@yahoo.com

Sochiin jijjiiramaa eessa gahe?

2008-12-19T15:43:00.003-05:00

Hundasa Lammessa

Waa'een maqaa jijjiirama " change" kun jecha durumaa jiruu fi ture ta'ullee erga Barrack Obaamaa duula filannoof dhimma itti bahee asi ammoo daran dhagahamaa fi itti dhimma bahamaa dhufe. Barrack Obaamaanis karooraa fi akeeka qabatee ka'een waan jijjiiruu fi fuula dura waan ittiin hojjechhuf deemu ifatti labsuun waltajjii argate maratti dhimma bahuun ummata biyyasaa fi kan alaas dabalatee kitilaan hawwachuu fi mararfannoo argachuurra darbee kunoo injifannoo seenaa keessatti isa jalqabaa ta'e gonfachuun ummata addunyaa mara ajaa'ibsiise.

Jijjiiramni J. Kamaal Galchuun durfamu hoo eessa gahe?

Gaaffii guddaan deebii barbaadu deemsa jijjiirama kanaati. Jijjiiramni dura deemsa J. Kamaal Galchuu fi booda deemsa obbo Leenchoo Baatii fi obbo Hasan Huseeniin utubamee ifatti dhuma ji'a Adoolessaa bara 2008 ykn ji'a shan dura labsamee ture, gurra namaa hedduu harkiseera. Walgahii biyya Amerikaa magaalaa MPLS keessatti godhame irratti yeroo duraaf labsaniin WBO fi hooggana ABO dabalatee dhuunfachuu isaanii fi miseensi irra guddaan akka isaan waliin jiru dhaadannoo guddaan ibsan. Qabsoon ummata Oromoo boqonnaa haarawaa keessa galuu fi dhaabni ABO Shanee Gumii ABOn durfamu aangoon irraa fuudhamee isaan harka galuu fi dura deemaan dhaabichaa J.Kamaal ta'uu hubachiisan. Isa booda hirmaatonni walgahichaa ililleen simachuu fi deeggarsi maallaqaas doolaara kumaatamaan herreegamu gumaachuu isaanii dhageenye. Kana booda dhaadannoon isaaniis " Gadaan Gadaa Jijjiiramaa " ta'uu hubachiisan.

Ergasii barreeffama yeroo adda addaa baasanii fi sarara paltalk keessatti osoo hin hafiin ofi qusannaa tokko malee hoogganni isaan " aangoo irraa fuudhan" qabsicha akka booddesse, ukkaamsee akka qabe, dandeettii hojii akka hin qabnee fi waggootii dheeraaf eeganii obsa fixatanii tarkaafii kana akka fudhatan ibsaa turan. Baroota qabsoon keessa darbite milkii fi gufuulee turan mara akka waan ofii keessa hin turree fi gandi tokko qofti akka ittiin deemaa ture saalfii tokko malee dubbatan. J.Kamaal raadiyoo isaanii SABO irratti ifatti akka dubbatee turetti yeroo isaan gara qabsoo ABOtti dhufanii makaman sochiin hojii tokkollee akka hin turree fi akka isaan karaa qabsiisan, hoogganni dirree qabsootti argamuu didee fagooraa ajajuun sirrii akka hin turree fi ammaan booda hoogganni jijjiiramaa dirree qabsootti argamee qabsoo hoogganuuf akka murteeffate nuuf labsan. Toole! jenne.

Dhiheenya kana maqaa " Ibsa ejjennoo miseensota buleeyyii ABO " jedhuun barruu fuula 26 qabu baasan. Maqaa ibsa ejjennoon barruu bahe kana wayta dubbifnu ibsa ejjennoo osoo hin taane barreeffama seenaa fakkaata. Ajaa'ibni barruu kanaa ammoo, seenaa qabsoon keenya keessa darbite asi geesse keessatti jaallan qabsoo irratti kufanii fi kanneen dhibee adda addaan lubbuun dabarte, ykn rakkina mataa isaaniin kanneen qabsoo keessaa bahan, ykn ganan cufa kan itti YAKKAME ganda ykn kutaa tokko ta'e. Gandi kaan miidhamaa, kaan ammoo kan miidhee fi qabsoorraa nama dhiibe ta'uu addeessu. Jarri kun miseensota buleeyyii kan bara dheeraaf qabsoo keessa turan yeroo ta'u, hanga gandi yakkamaa kuni nama fixuu fi qabsoorraa dhiibu waan dubbatan ykn falmiin godhan hin tuqamne. Ibsa ejjennoo isaanii kana keessatti maqaan diinaa tokkollee hin tuqamne. Qabsaa'onni ganda yakkamaa kanatti dhalatanii fi qabsoo keessatti wareegaman ykn dhiibaman tokko qofaatu tuqame, akka ibsa kanaatti. Namoonni barruu kana qalbiin hin dubbifne mee irra deebi'aatii dubbisaa xiinxalaa ! Barreeffama akkasii dhuguma dhala oromootu katabe moo diinatu maqaa oromootiin kana barreesse nama jechisiisa dhugumatti. Waan kanarratti jechuun danda'amu hedduu ta'uyyuu isa kanumaanin gabaabsa.

Dhiheenya kana walakeessa ji'a Sadaasaa bara 2008 yeroo lammaffaa magaalaa MPLS keessatti walgahii godhaniin raawwii ji'a sadii keessatti waan raawwatan obbo Hasan Huseen akka ibsanitti, erga sochiin jijjiiramaa eegalee miseensa dachaan ijaaruu isaanii, gargaarsaa fi buusiin miseensummaa guddaan argamuu fi waraana " WBO" leenjisaa jiraachuu isaanii itti boonuun ibsan. Waraanni leenjifamaa jiru kun achii bahee yoo lola eegalu, akka durii rukatanii baqachuu osoo hin taane lafa qabataa adeemuun yeroo gabaabaa keessatti bilisummaa akka gonfannu nu abdachiisan, akkan sarara paltalk irraanii caqasetti. Kanumaan walqabatee ijaarsa miseensummaa ilaalchisee akka ibsanitti jilli isaanii gara biyya Kibba Afrikaatti bobba'uun ummata kanaan dura dhaqqabamee hin beekne ijaarauun gargaarsa maallaqaa miliyoona cina argachuu isaanii kan ibsan yoo ta'u, kanuma ilaalchisee oduu SABOn gidduu sana dabarseen Oromoon biyya Afrikaa Kibbaa keessa jiraatu akkuma oduu jijjiiramaa dhagaheen dabballee tokkollee osoo hin eeggatiin walijaaree ofi qopheesse. Jilli Dr. Nuuroo Daddafoo fi wallisaa Mehammed Sheekaan durfamu achitti argamuun gargaarsa $60.000 ( kuma jaatama) argachuu isaanii fi miseensa konyaalee saddeeti keessatti battalumatti ijaaruu danda'uu isaanii addeessa.

Waan hedduu keessaa hangan tuttuqe ilaalchisee qaamni irratti ibsa nuuff kennu yoo jiraateef bifa gaaffiin akka armaan gadiittin yaada kiyyan dhiheessa.

Gaaffii fi deebii J.Kaamal raadiyoo SABO irratti ji'a sadii dura gdheen, yeroo biyyaa dhufanii ABOtti makaman Shaneen Gumii karoora hojii tokkollee akka hin qabne, hirmaata hojii akka hin qabnee fi erga isaan dhufanii waan hedduu akka qajeelchanii fi sirreessan ibsa. Yaada kana Shanee Gumii fi miseensa Gumii Sabaa keessa warri turan kan akka obbo Hasan Huseenfaa dhuguma jedhanii itti amanuu laata ? Yoo dhuguma jedhan yeroo sanatti miseensaaf ibsuu fi sirreessuu maaliif hin dandeenye?

Maqaa ibsa ejjennoo miseensa ABO buleeyyii jedhuun qaamni ibsa baase amma miseensota warra jijjiiramaa akka ta'an hin shakkamu. Qaamni kun maqaa isaa ibsuu ykn kallattiin maqaa qaama jijjiiramaa kanaan maaliif ibsa hin baafne?

Miseensonni buleeyyiin kunniin eegala qabsoo irraa hanga ammaatti waan deemaa turee fi yakka qaamni ganda tokkoo raawwataa ture yeroo nuuf tarreessan miseensota ABO hanga tokko bakka dhaloota isaanii wajjin nuuf tuttuqanii jiru. Garuu ganda biraa keessaa kanneen qabsoo fi harka diinaan wareegaman kan akka Guutuu Caalii, Nagaasaa Kumsaa, Gammachiis Dhaabaa, Daraaraa Kafanii fi kanneen isaan fakkaatan hedduu maqaa hin dhoofne. Jaallan kana hin beektan moo ganda yakkamaa ta'uu isaaniif irra kuttan?

Miseensonni buleeyyii kunniin bara dheeraa yeroo qabsoo keessa turan, hanga yakki hangana gahu qabsaa'ota kanarratti dalagamu maaliif callisanii obsan ? Har'a maaltu geenyaan seenaan kun gadi gahe ? ijaarsaa fi moo diiggaaf?

Erga sochiin jijjiiramaa mooraa qabsoo keessatti dhalatee asitti miseensi dachaan dabaluu ykn ijaaramuu fi gargaarsis akkasuma argamuu obbo Hasan Huseen walgahii dhiheenya kana MPLS godhamerratti miseensaa fi deeggartoota isaaniif ibsanii turan. Bara isaan itti gaafatamaa damee dantaa alaa ABO turan sana sochiin ijaarsaa fi buusii akkasii maaliif hin turre ? Kan hojjechiisu isaanuma mitii?

Biyya Afrikaa Kibbaa keessatti osoo dabballee fi qaama olaanaa hin eeggatiin oduu jijjiiramaa dhagahuun ofi qindeessanii buusii dolaara kuma jaatama argachuu isaanii SABOn ibsee jira. Biyya sana baqataa Oromoo meeqatu jira laata, kan yeroo tokkotti maallaqa hanga kanaa gumaachu ? Akkasumas jilli achitti argame miseensa Konyaalee saddeetti keessatti ijaaruu isaanii ibsu. Miseensi yeroo takkatti akkas ijaaramu kun seeraa fi heera dhaaba isaanii yeroo kam baratanii xumuratan ? moo hin barbaachisu. Ijaarsi akkasiin dachaan dabale sun bifuma kanaan ijaarame ta'aa?

Waraanni amma leenjifamaa jira jedhan haarawa moo isaanuma duriitu haaromsa fudhata ? Yoo haarawaa ta'e kanneen qaama jijjiiramaa harka jira jedhamee zooniilee adda addaa irraa gaaffii fi deebii kennaa turan har'a sagalee isaanii dhagahaa hin jrru. Maalitti jiru laata ?
Hoogganni Shanee Gumii kan balaaleffatame keessaa tokko dirree qabsoo WBO biratti argamuu hanqachuu isaa ture. Qaama jijjiiramaa keessaa hoo har'a hooggana meeqatu dirree seene ? moo hanga ammaa qophii hin xumuranne?

Akka dhiheenya kana obbo Leencoo Baatii OCR-MPLS ( 03.12.08) irratti ibsa kennanitti humni irra hedduun isaanii ala ta'uu tuqanii jiru. Dubbiin kun waan kanaan dura jechaa turaniin wal hin faallessuu laata ? Dhumarratti mammaaksa oromoo tokkoonin yaada koo xumura. Innis namicha tokkotu " Kuruphee gurraa fi miila ishee walittan waraane jedhee hiriyaa isaatti himata. Hiriyaan isaas dubbichi hin fakkaannee fakkeeffadhu jennaan, yeroo isheen gurra ishee hooqqattun argadhe " jedheen jedhama.

Nagaa wajjin.

Abbaa Gaaddisaa

Ali Bira & Kemer Yousuf: Traitors or Nationalists?

2008-11-23T18:29:00.005-05:00

By Gurraacho Silgaa

Ali Bira and Kemer Yousuf need no introduction to Oromo communities around the world. Living in exile for over two decades, they have both been compared to Maria Makeba of South Africa for stirring hopes of freedom with their music among millions in Oromia and beyond. Music being a central part of the Oromo struggle against past and current oppressive Ethiopian regimes, Ali and Kemer acted as constant reminders of the events in their homeland.

But unlike Maria Makeba, these icons of the Oromo nation have decided to reconcile with their people’s enemy – the Ethiopian regime – before the freedom they once sung for and raised hope about among the Oromo arrived.

Ali decided to reconcile with the TPLF government in September 2005 following Ethiopian elections in the same year and while the world was in the middle of condemning the TPLF government for stealing elections by intimidating, detaining and murdering hundreds Oromos and others.

Kemer followed suite three years later and flew back to perform in Finfinnee (Addis Abeba) a couple of days ago (November 2008) hot on the heels of mass arrests, “disappearances” and mistreatment of Oromo nationals (Read Amnesty Intenational Urgent Action Request Here) including his popular fellow singer Zerhun Wedajo whose where about is unknown.

Much has been said on and off the Internet about Ali Bira’s and Kemer Yousuf’s visits to Ethiopia to perform there. To my knowledge, not since Leencoo Lataa’s visit to Ethiopia (purportedly to have Ibsa Gutema released from TPLF dungeon) has any Oromo’s visit there generated such a heated debate among our people. Opponents have painted them as traitors and sell-outs. The old adage “everyone can be bought” is heard a lot in reference to the two singers. Supporters, on the other hand, see no issues or concerns with what they have done and argue that their critics’ concerns are misplaced.

Why such a controversy over two singers’ visits to, and performance in, their home land?

No serious person can dispute Ali’s quasi-legendary status when it comes to Oromo music. That he got Oromo music going when the going was tough needs no reminding for any serious observer of Oromo cultural renaissance. Neither is Kemer’s stature as a popular and very much loved Oromo singer is contested by anyone I know. Ali’s and Kemer’s love for the Oromo language and music is beyond dispute. That much is known and beyond debate as far as I am concerned.

Ali Bira had won some ethnic music award, along with other African singers in Canada, in or around 1996. The awards were given out to the winners by ambassadors (to Canada) of their respective native countries. Ali is said to have refused to receive it from the then Ethiopian ambassador, and was given the award by the then mayor of Toronto. I have checked out this story with brothers living in Toronto who confirmed it as accurate.

Rumor has it that Kemer Yousuf was offered hundreds of thousands of dollars by the TPLF government on various occasions to return to, and perform in, Ethiopia which he rebuffed bluntly, often disdainfully. It is said that he refused to succumb to financial enticements by the powers that be in Ethiopia mindful of the political benefit the current rulers of the country would rip from his appearance there.

That was then and this is now.

Inconsistent with their prior abhorrence for the current rulers of the country (and their cronies – the OPDO), Ali and Kemer decided to return to Ethiopia and perform for their former enemies. After having successfully resisted TPLF advances for many years, Ali succumbed in 2005 and Kemer in November 2008.

The official reason for Ali’s performance there was for inauguration of “Gada Convention Center” in Adaamaa, Oromia. Kemer’s official reason for doing so, according to the Toronto Star, is "The system changed, the people changed, I changed," However, no mention of whether the system he condemned for the last seventeen years changed for better or for worse. As Oromo politicians in the country, the likes of Bulcha Damaksa and Marara Gudina attest, the Oromo situation has worsened even further over the last decade under the current Ethiopian regime. Regardless, “the central government [of Ethiopia] is helping to arrange a six-concert homecoming tour [for Kemer] that opens Dec. 7 at the East African country's largest indoor venue – Addis Ababa's 20,000-seat Millennium Hall.” And Kemer is taking advantage of it to make some bucks. Read Here

The central issue, however, is whether Ali’s and Kemer’s performances there, particularly at these critical times for the rulers of that country, impacts (positively or negatively) on the Oromo struggle for liberation and/or life expectance of the regime. It is this issue that needs to be addressed. This is not without reason. It is because of Ali’s prominence, reputation and the legendary status conferred on him by many. Although he is not considered a legend, the same goes for Kemer Yousuf. As a consequence, their fans hold them to a higher standard. Needless to say, it is fair to scrutinize public figures more closely than the average person.

This is not about Ali or Kemer the person per se. It is about Ali Bira or Kemer Yousuf the public figures and the role models for many. It is about all Oromo public figures – politicians and non-politicians alike – and how their association with enemies of the Oromo people impacts on the Oromo struggle for liberation.

After having rebuffed Wayyannee’s approach for many years, why have Ali and Kemer changed their minds at these particular times – in 2005 when TPLF and OPDO were fighting for their very lives and today when mass arrests of Oromo nationals is a daily occurrences? Why have they stopped feeling their people’s pain and suffering? In the case of Kemer, where is the solidarity with his “disappeared” fellow Oromo singer Zerhun Wedajo and the many Oromo nationals suffering in TPLF prisons at the present time? If they were so desperate to see their aging parents, as they both claim, why did they not slip in and out of the country quietly? In fact, Kemer was offered an all expenses paid rendezvous with his parents in the Middle East by Oromo nationalists which he refused to accept. Were they so desperate for money that they decided to perform for enemies of their people, or do they not consider OPDO and TPLF enemies of their people anymore? If the later, what has changed? Why would OPDO (TPLF) pay so much to have Ali and Kemer perform for them? Will their performance there contribute to prolonging or shortening the life of this regime which has wrecked havoc on the Oromo people for the last seventeen years? How much Oromo support will their popularity gain (lose) the TPLF government? What message does their performing for OPDO/TPLF send to our people back home and in the Diaspora – particularly to those who view them as role models? Will it encourage them to carry on the fight, or it will give them that “things are changing for the better” feeling and fool them in to relaxing their guards? It is these and other similar legitimate questions that propelled many compatriots in to this debate. I don’t believe any of their critics hate them but would like to know whether these larger than life personalities in Oromo music have sold their people’s struggle for liberation for a few bucks.

Their critics are concerned that (1) Their onetime heroes appear to have sold their souls to enemies of their people for the opportunity to earn some bucks (2) Their performing for OPDO/Wayyaanee will contribute to prolonging the life of the regime (3) Their association with OPDO/Wayyaanee will send the wrong message to those who look up to them as their role model – if it is ok for Ali and Kemer to perform for the enemy of our people then why is it wrong to support OPDO/TPLF? (4) Their performing for OPDO/Wayyanee has the potential of demoralizing, or setting a bad example for, other Oromo artists - inside and outside the country – engaged in agitating our people to fight to the end through their music.

I share these concerns with their critics.

Mr. G. Silgaa may be reached at gurraacho@yahoo.com

Have your say!

The Asmara Group of OLF signs agreement to accept Ethiopian constitution

2008-11-15T00:04:00.007-05:00

In its Nov. 14, 2008 broadcast, VOA reported that the Asmara Group of OLF has signed agreement to accept the Ethiopian constitution.

Quoting Obbo Ittafaa Goobana, the leader of a group of elders mediating between TPLF and the Asmara group of OLF, VOA revealed that the said agreement was signed in Amsterdam, The Netherlands, in January 2008.

VOA also reported that Obbo Daud Ibsaa and Obbo Tamam Yusuf signed the agreement on behalf of the Asmara Group of OLF.

Listen to VOA report HERE

Related postings:

Melles to [the Asmara Group of] OLF: Leave Asmara or No Talks
Beware of Mediator Bias and Mediation as a Tactic: A word to the Wise